2024-03-28T10:27:27Z
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/oai
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/112
2017-02-10T07:51:49Z
socialinclusion:ART
driver
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/3771
2021-04-05T08:40:43Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
ec_fundedresources
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/3771
2021-04-05T08:40:43Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 9, No 1 (2021): Access or Excess? Redefining the Boundaries of Transparency in the EU’s Decision-Making; 261-271
Transparency in EU Trade Policy: A Comprehensive Assessment of Current Achievements
Marx, Axel; Leuven Centre for Global Governance Studies, University of Leuven, Belgium
Van der Loo, Guillaume; University of Ghent, Belgium
2021-03-31 03:46:58
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/3771
European Commission; European Council; European Parliament; Free Trade Agreements; Ombudsman; regulation; trade policy; transparency
European Commission, H2020
en
The EU trade policy is increasingly confronted with demands for more transparency. This article aims to investigate how transparency takes shape in EU trade policy. First, we operationalize the concept of transparency along two dimensions: a process dimension and an actor dimension. We then apply this framework to analysis of EU Free Trade Agreements (FTAs). After analyzing transparency in relation to FTAs from the perspective of the institutional actors (Commission, Council and Parliament), the different instruments and policies that grant the public actors (civil society and citizens) access to information and documents about EU FTAs are explored by discussing Regulation 1049/2001, which provides for public access to European Parliament, Council and Commission documents, and the role of the European Ombudsman. The article is based on an analysis of official documents, assessments in the academic literature and case-law of the Court of Justice of the European Union. The ultimate aim is to assess current initiatives and identify relevant gaps in the EU’s transparency policies. This article argues that the EU has made significant progress in fostering transparency in the negotiation phase of FTAs, but less in the implementation phase.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/7224
2023-12-19T16:12:23Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/7224
2023-12-19T16:12:23Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 11, No 4 (2023): Economic Security and the Politics of Trade and Investment Policy in Europe; 212-222
Implementation of EU Trade Agreements Under an Assertive, Open, and Sustainable Trade Policy
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/download/7224/45765
García, María J.; Department of Politics, Languages and International Studies, University of Bath, UK
2023-11-29 09:19:56
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/7224
agreement enforcement; dispute; European Union; free trade agreements; preferential trade agreements; trade and sustainable development
en
Since the 2010s the EU has expanded its preferential trade agreements, responding to challenges at the World Trade Organization and preferential trade agreements of key geoeconomic competitors. However, preferential trade agreements are only as good as their implementation. The EU 2021 Trade Policy Review for a more assertive trade policy includes a greater focus on preferential trade agreement implementation. An analysis of preferential trade agreement implementation reports identifies challenges in operationalising these. It shows that since 2019 there has been an increase in EU recourse to formal dispute settlement mechanisms under preferential trade agreements demonstrating the shift to greater assertiveness. Interestingly, most of the cases are of limited economic significance to the EU but serve to reinforce the message of enforcement of trade rules.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/2007
2019-10-08T05:09:29Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/2007
2019-10-08T05:09:29Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 7, No 3 (2019): Out of the Shadows, Into the Limelight: Parliaments and Politicisation; 279-290
Brexit under Scrutiny in EU Member States: What Role for National Parliaments in Austria and Germany?
Meissner, Katharina Luise; Department of Political Science, University of Vienna, Austria
2019-09-27 07:28:22
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/2007
Brexit; European Union; international negotiations; national parliaments; saliency; United Kingdom
en
Among national parliaments (NPs) in the EU, the Austrian Nationalrat and the German Bundestag stand out as strong legislatures in EU affairs. Both parliaments have used their rights to great extent in recent EU negotiations on international agreements such as the one with Canada on a Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement. Yet, in the negotiations with the UK their involvement varies. Why is this so? Scholarly work on Brexit so far focused on the European Parliament or the UK parliament, while attention to NPs in the EU27 is scarce. This article fills this void in research by tracing the Austrian and German parliaments’ activities in the Brexit negotiations. Despite similar institutional strength I find that the German Bundestag is more extensively involved, particularly on an informal level, compared to the Austrian Nationalrat. The reason for this is Brexit’s varying saliency in these two countries given their different levels of exposure to the UK’s withdrawal. As saliency of a policy issue is considered a major explanatory factor for why NPs engage in EU affairs, the results of this article confirm this expectation within the realm of EU international negotiations.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/4945
2022-05-18T12:52:04Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/4945
2022-05-18T12:52:04Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 10, No 2 (2022): Developing Countries and the Crisis of the Multilateral Order; 61-70
China in Africa: Assessing the Consequences for the Continent’s Agenda for Economic Regionalism
Colom-Jaén, Artur; Department of Economic History, Institutions, Policy and World Economy, University of Barcelona, Spain
Mateos, Óscar; Blanquerna School of Communication and International Relations, Ramon Llull University, Spain
2022-04-21 10:26:29
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/4945
Africa–China relations; African Continental Free Trade Area; Agenda 2063; Belt and Road Initiative; regional integration; South–South cooperation
en
Africa has become a major arena in the so-called “multiplex world.” The growing presence of China and other emerging countries on the continent in the last two decades has turned Africa into an area in which there are a large number of different patterns of interaction between state and non-state actors. International debates are polarised over whether these new South–South dynamics generate new dependency relations or whether they provide genuine opportunities for transformation. This article focuses on China’s role in the ongoing processes of economic integration in Africa. Far from merely reproducing a neoliberal pattern, this interaction may highlight a certain convergence between the African regional integration projects and China’s desire to promote structural transformation strategies, with investment in infrastructure being an example. However, the article concludes that rather than reinforcing African regional integration, this essentially bilateral and highly pragmatic Chinese strategy may have some indirect returns on regional integration but is actually showing some signs of decline.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/7222
2024-01-17T10:42:04Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/7222
2024-01-17T10:42:04Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 12 (2024): Arctic Regional Governance: Actors and Transformations
Costly Signaling and China's Strategic Engagement in Arctic Regional Governance
Wang, Yaohui; Department of International Relations, Nankai University, China
Ma, Yanhong; School of Political Science & International Relations, Tongji University, China
2024-01-17 09:51:23
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/7222
Arctic governance; Chinese diplomacy; costly signaling; global environmental values; sustainable development
en
In recent years, China has become an increasingly important actor in Arctic regional governance. While Beijing consistently frames its engagement in the region as a strategy of mutually-beneficial cooperation, some Arctic countries have raised significant concerns about its growing economic presence, warning that China may leverage its geopolitical influence to change the existing norms and rules in the polar region. Facing the mounting “China threat” skepticism, what are Beijing’s coping strategies to belie concerns? Based on a review of the existing research and government documents, particularly Chinese-language scholarly works and official reports, this article specifically identifies two types of costly signaling approaches employed by China to reduce Arctic countries’ distrust. First, China has started to curtail its Arctic investment in oil, gas, and mining while engaging more in sectors that chime well with Western societies’ global environmental values, including clean and renewable energy, ecological research that addresses further climatic change associated with global warming, and other environmentally sustainable industries. Second, Beijing has increasingly involved in regional international organizations, such as the Arctic Council, to signal its willingness to exercise state power under institutional constraints. These approaches aim to send a series of costly signals to conventional Arctic states, reassuring them that China is not a revisionist power that pursues hegemony in the region. Taken together, our findings have both scholarly and policymaking implications to understand China’s participation in Arctic regional governance.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/3206
2020-12-22T11:42:29Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
ec_fundedresources
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/3206
2020-12-22T11:42:29Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 8, No 4 (2020): Varieties of Technocratic Populism around the World; 520-532
Experts in Government: What for? Ambiguities in Public Opinion Towards Technocracy
Ganuza, Ernesto; Institute of Public Goods and Policies, Spanish National Research Council, Spain
Font, Joan; Institute of Advanced Social Studies, Spanish National Research Council, Spain
2020-12-17 03:56:23
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/3206
democracy; experts; government; populism; representation; technocracy
Centro de Estudios Andaluces
en
Technocratic governments and similar systems that give more voice to experts in the decision-making process are one of the potential alternatives to traditional representative party government. These alternatives have become increasingly popular, especially in countries where strong political disaffection and previous favourable pro-expert attitudes exist simultaneously. The Spanish case is one of these settings, with the emergence of a political party, Ciudadanos (Citizens), that represents these ideas. This article contributes to the understanding of public opinion support for an expert government, its main motives, and social supports. We claim that experts are not so much a decision-making alternative as they are a desired piece of the decision-making process. Support for a more significant role for experts comes especially from those that credit them with ample technical capacities, but most citizens want them to work as a piece of representative government, not as an alternative to it. The article combines two types of evidence: A survey of a representative sample of the population, including innovative questions about support to expert governments, and 10 focus groups that allow a more in-depth comprehension of the support (and criticism) of an increased role for experts. The results provide a nuanced picture of the types of expert involvement sought and their respective social support.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/272
2018-12-12T07:20:29Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/272
2018-12-12T07:20:29Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 3, No 4 (2015): Mass Atrocity Prevention (Part II); 1-11
Accomplice to Mass Atrocities: The International Community and Indonesia’s Invasion of East Timor
Fernandes, Clinton; School of Humanities and Social Sciences, UNSW Canberra, Australia
2015-11-26 10:28:31
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/272
atrocities; Australia; crimes against humanity; East Timor; famine; genocide; Indonesia; responsibility to protect; R2P; United Nations; war crimes
en
This paper examines early warning of, and political responses to, mass atrocities in East Timor in the late 1970s. Using newly-declassified intelligence and diplomatic records, it describes Indonesia’s invasion of East Timor in 1975 and its three year military campaign to crush the East Timorese resistance. It shows that the campaign resulted in mass deaths due to famine and disease, and considers the United Nations’ response to the unfolding crisis. It evaluates the level of international awareness of the humanitarian crisis in East Timor by inspecting contemporaneous eyewitness reports by foreign diplomats from states with a keen interest in Indonesia: Australia, the United States, New Zealand and Canada. In contrast to a popular, highly lauded view, the paper shows that these states did not “look away”; rather, they had early warning and ongoing knowledge of the catastrophe but provided military and diplomatic assistance to Indonesia. The paper contrasts a counter-productive effort by civil society activists with a very effective one, and thus demonstrates the role that robust scholarship can play in terminating atrocities.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/1944
2019-07-02T04:48:06Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/1944
2019-07-02T04:48:06Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 7, No 2 (2019): The Politics, Promise and Peril of Direct Democracy; 334-350
Economic Voting in EU Referendums: Sociotropic versus Egocentric Voting in the Lisbon Treaty Plebiscites in Ireland
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/download/1944/10037
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/download/1944/11547
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/download/1944/11549
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/download/1944/11550
Elkink, Johan A.; School of Politics and International Relations, University College Dublin, Ireland
Quinlan, Stephen; Department of Monitoring Society and Social Change, GESIS—Leibniz Institute for the Social Sciences, Germany
Sinnott, Richard; School of Politics and International Relations, University College Dublin, Ireland / UCD Geary Institute for Public Policy, University College Dublin, Ireland
2019-06-27 04:28:38
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/1944
economic voting; egocentric voting; financial crisis; Ireland; Lisbon Treaty; referendum; sociotropic voting
en
Economic voting is one of the most studied aspects of electoral behaviour. The dominant view is that sociotropic economic considerations are more important to voters in national elections. However, other research suggests that utilitarian motivations are key to understanding support for the EU. An EU integration referendum offers the opportunity to explore whether and when sociotropic or utilitarian motivations are more important in determining vote choice. The unusual combination of two successive referendums in Ireland on the Lisbon Treaty, either side of the global financial crisis, provides the ideal opportunity to test these assumptions. Using data from two post-referendum surveys, we demonstrate that the economy mattered in both referendums but that different economic motivations drove vote choice in each, with sociotropic motivations more critical as a result of the global financial crisis. Our study has implications for economic voting and referendums and demonstrates that context is crucial in determining a voter’s economic motivations in a plebiscite.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/4702
2022-01-31T11:46:13Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/4702
2022-01-31T11:46:13Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 10, No 1 (2022): Beyond Foreign Policy? EU Sanctions at the Intersection of Development, Trade, and CFSP; 36-46
United in Diversity? A Study on the Implementation of Sanctions in the European Union
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/download/4702/33264
Giumelli, Francesco; Department of International Relations and International Organization, University of Groningen, The Netherlands
Geelhoed, Willem; Department of Criminal Law and Criminology, University of Groningen, The Netherlands
de Vries, Max; Department of Transboundary Legal Studies, University of Groningen, The Netherlands
Molesini, Aurora; Department of Law, University of Bologna, Italy
2022-01-26 10:13:24
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/4702
CFSP; European Union; implementation; sanctions
en
The implementation of European Union (EU) policies has been investigated for several policy areas, but Decisions made under the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) have rarely been considered. While many CFSP measures are applicable throughout the EU without the need for further action on the domestic level, some Decisions must be implemented by Council Regulations. These Council Regulations adopted with the intent to implement CFSP Decisions have qualities of Directives, which delegate implementing tasks to member states and require transposition. The aim of this article is to investigate whether restrictive measures imposed by the EU are uniformly implemented across the member states, and, if not, to what extent implementation performance varies. We observe significant differences in implementation performance across member states. The findings of this article are twofold. First, we claim that implementation and compliance studies should involve CFSP decisions more systematically. Second, empirical confirmation is provided of how uneven transposition and application occurs also in CFSP matters. This study is based on empirical work that consisted of desk research and semi-structured interviews with national competent authorities of 21 EU member states taking place between March 2020 and January 2021.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/3264
2020-11-19T06:15:07Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/3264
2020-11-19T06:15:07Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 8, No 4 (2020): Rediscovering Nordic Cooperation; 120-130
Public Administration and the Study of Political Order: Towards a Framework for Analysis
Trondal, Jarle; Department of Political Science and Management, University of Agder, Norway / ARENA Centre for European Studies, University of Oslo, Norway
2020-11-03 03:37:37
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/3264
multilevel administration; multilevel governance; Nordic cooperation; organizational approach; political order; public administration
en
The contribution of this study is two-fold: First, it outlines a conceptual framework on political order; and secondly, it offers empirical illustrations on the case of Nordic cooperation. Taken together, the article makes a plea for public administration scholarship in the study of political order. Political order consists of a relatively stable arrangement of institutions that are fairly formalized and institutionalized. A common political order, moreover, entails that relevant institutions: (i) are fairly independent of pre-existing institutions; (ii) are relatively integrated and internally cohesive; and (iii) are reasonably able to influence governance processes within other institutions. The article empirically suggests that Nordic-level institutions are less likely to act relatively integrated and independently of member-state governments as well as being able to wield significant influence on public governance processes within member-state institutions.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/6777
2023-08-31T09:49:23Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/6777
2023-08-31T09:49:23Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 11, No 3 (2023): The Causes and Modes of European Disintegration; 59-67
Between a Rock and a Hard Place: European Disintegration, Brexit, and Gibraltar
O’Dubhghaill, Sean Mark; Brussels School of Governance, Vrije Universiteit Brussel, Belgium
Van Kerckhoven, Sven; Brussels School of Governance, Vrije Universiteit Brussel, Belgium
2023-07-05 09:18:43
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/6777
Brexit; disintegration; EU; European integration; Gibraltar; outermost regions; overseas territories; United Kingdom
en
This article aims to explore the contours of Gibraltar, a uniquely situated region in Europe and a non-self-governing British overseas territory. It explores the basis for Gibraltar’s continued and maintained presence within the EU after Brexit. Gibraltar’s full accession into the Schengen area, which was expected to be implemented by the end of 2022, is a significant departure from the disintegration that was observable elsewhere in Brexit negotiations but also does not align with the United Kingdom’s staunch resistance to Schengen more generally. This move will potentially result in Gibraltar having more features in common with what the EU refers to as outermost regions, which are remote areas within the EU where special provisions exist. To that end, this variation in approach by the United Kingdom has placed Gibraltar in an altogether different category of its own and invites new questions about the region’s specificity and status, as well as about the process of disintegration more generally. We argue that Gibraltar’s desire to join the Schengen area has presented challenges to the ongoing predicament of Brexit and has exacerbated its outlier position within the EU. This has given rise to specific questions that this article aims to address: What is the current situation of Gibraltar regarding the United Kingdom and the EU? And, what can the case of Gibraltar teach us in terms of disintegration? This article also examines, from a political science perspective, how reclassifying territories can be employed as a vector to facilitate the United Kingdom’s efforts to disintegrate from the EU, but underscores the ongoing issues surrounding the reclassification of Gibraltar and its people, with every effort to do so proving challenging.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/4487
2021-11-24T11:47:16Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/4487
2021-11-24T11:47:16Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 9, No 4 (2021): Migration and Refugee Flows: New Insights; 159-173
Explaining Attitudes Towards Immigration: The Role of Economic Factors
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/download/4487/31621
García-Muñoz, Teresa María; Department of Quantitative Methods for the Economy and Business, University of Granada, Spain
Milgram-Baleix, Juliette; Department of Theory and Economic History, University of Granada, Spain
2021-10-28 09:56:26
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/4487
attitudes towards immigration; economic impacts; immigrants; labour-market
en
In this article, we investigate the determinants of individuals’ opinions concerning the economic impact of immigrants. Unlike most previous studies, we use a large sample of 61 countries (Joint WVS/EVS 2017–2020 dataset) that are either net receivers or net emitters of migrants. Using a multilevel model, we test the effect of individuals’ characteristics and of several macroeconomic variables on the assessment of immigrants’ impact on development. We highlight that natives’ evaluation of the economic consequences of immigration is more influenced by age, trust, education, and income than by contextual variables such as growth, inflation, inequalities, income level, or number of immigrants in the country. Our results match with the hypothesis that immigrants are considered substitutes for low- and medium-skilled workers in capital-abundant countries. However, neither labour-market nor welfare-state considerations can be considered as the main drivers of the appraisals made about the economic impact of immigration. Our results tend to confirm the prediction that greater contact with immigrants reduces anti-immigrant opinions, in particular for skilled people. In contrast, immigrant inflows lead low- and medium-skilled people to make worse judgments concerning the economic consequences of immigration. All in all, our results validate the view that education comprises a major part of the cognitive assessment of the role played by immigrants in the economy, at least in high-income countries.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/65
2020-07-22T04:32:48Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/65
2020-07-22T04:32:48Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 3, No 1 (2015): The Role of Expert Knowledge in EU Executive Institutions; 26-36
Representative Bureaucracy and the Role of Expertise in Politics
Trondal, Jarle; Department of Political Science, University of Agder, Norway, and ARENA—Centre for European Studies, University of Oslo, Norway
Murdoch, Zuzana; Department of Political Science, University of Agder, Norway, and Organization and Governance Studies, University of Bremen, Germany
Geys, Benny; Department of Applied Economics, Vrije Universiteit Brussel, Belgium, and Norwegian Business School BI, Norway
2015-03-31 04:06:49
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/65
bureaucracy; European Commission; expertise; representation; seconded national experts
FWO Vlaanderen, The Norwegian Research Council
en
The vast majority of existing studies on bureaucratic representation focus on bureaucracies’ permanent and internal staff. Yet, the rising sophistication of modern democracies and the technocratization of political life are gradually inducing an increased reliance on external experts to assist in the development and implementation of policy decisions. This trend, we argue, raises the need to extend studies of bureaucratic representation to such external and non-permanent experts in governmental affairs. In this article, we take a first step in this direction using seconded national experts (SNEs) in the European Commission as our empirical laboratory. Our results highlight that Commission SNEs do not appear representative of their constituent population (i.e., the EU-27 population) along a number of socio-demographic dimensions. Moreover, we find that the role perception of “experts” is primarily explained by organizational affiliation, and only secondarily by demographic characteristics (except, of course, education).
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/1731
2020-09-09T03:24:11Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/1731
2020-09-09T03:24:11Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 7, No 1 (2019): EU Energy Policy: Towards a Clean Energy Transition?; 28-44
A Big Data View of the European Energy Union: Shifting from ‘a Floating Signifier’ to an Active Driver of Decarbonisation?
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/download/1731/8733
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/download/1731/8735
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/download/1731/9479
Isoaho, Karoliina; Department of Social Research, University of Helsinki, Finland
Moilanen, Fanni; Department of Social Research, University of Helsinki, Finland
Toikka, Arho; Department of Social Research, University of Helsinki, Finland
2019-03-28 08:38:10
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/1731
clean energy transition; energy policy; energy security; European Commission; European Union; policy integration; renewable energy; sustainability; topic modelling
Academy of Finland
en
The Energy Union, a major energy sector reform project launched by the European Commission in 2015, has substantial clean energy and climate aims. However, scholarly caution has been raised about their feasibility, especially with regards to accommodating climate objectives with other closely related yet often competing policy goals. We therefore investigated the policy priorities of the Energy Union by performing a topic modelling analysis of over 5,000 policy documents. A big data analysis confirms that decarbonisation and energy efficiency dimensions are major building blocks in the Energy Union’s agenda. Furthermore, there are signals of policy convergence in terms of climate security and climate affordability policies. However, our analysis also suggests that the Commission is not actively prescribing trajectories for renewable policy development or paying close attention to declining incumbent energy generation technologies. Overall, we find that the Energy Union is not a ‘floating signifier’ but rather has a clear and incrementally evolving decarbonisation agenda. Whether it further develops into an active driver of decarbonisation will largely be determined by the implementation phase of the project.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/6042
2023-06-27T11:22:06Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/6042
2023-06-27T11:22:06Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 11, No 1 (2023): Women Opposition Leaders: Pathways, Patterns, and Performance; 108-118
From Opposition Leader to Prime Minister: Giorgia Meloni and Women’s Issues in the Italian Radical Right
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/download/6042/41441
De Giorgi, Elisabetta; Department of Political and Social Sciences, University of Trieste, Italy
Cavalieri, Alice; Department of Political and Social Sciences, University of Trieste, Italy / Department of Cultures, Politics and Society, University of Turin, Italy
Feo, Francesca; Faculty of Political and Social Science, Scuola Normale Superiore, Italy
2023-02-22 09:46:29
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/6042
gender; Giorgia Meloni; Italy; opposition; parliament; radical right; Twitter; women
en
Under the motto “God, homeland, and family”—but also by stressing one further important marker of social identity, i.e., gender—Italian radical right party leader Giorgia Meloni multiplied her party seats in parliament from 2013 onwards. After the 2022 elections, she became the first woman prime minister in Italy. Starting from an overview of the figure of Giorgia Meloni as a radical right woman leader, we explore her and her party’s position on women-related issues and their relevance while exploring, in opposition, two different contexts: representative institutions and social media. To do that, we draw on parliamentary data—bills and parliamentary questions introduced in parliament by Fratelli d’Italia—and on Meloni’s public discourse—examined in an analysis of all the tweets posted by her official Twitter account, between 2013 and 2021. As expected, a low saliency of women’s issues appears in all the types of data examined, although some of them are more exposed to the shift in attention caused by the rise of related trend topics. Both Meloni and her party are strong supporters of the “natural family” and make use of women’s issues in claiming femonationalist arguments, especially on social media. However, Meloni and her party cannot be considered as fully “neo-traditional,” as are other similar parties in Europe, but rather as a combination of “neo-traditional” and “modern-traditional.”
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/3005
2020-09-08T05:58:42Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/3005
2020-09-08T05:58:42Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 8, No 3 (2020): Civil Society Elites; 97-108
State Regulations and Elitisation: A Study of Civil Society Elites in Indonesia and Cambodia
Lay, Cornelis; Department of Politics and Government, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Gadjah Mada, Indonesia
Eng, Netra; Cambodia Development Resource Institute, Cambodia
2020-09-04 03:46:07
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/3005
Cambodia; civil society organisations; elitisation; Indonesia; state regulations
Lund University; Universitas Gadjah Mada
en
This article analyses how and to what extent state regulation of civil society organisations (CSOs) have resulted in elitisation, i.e., the process of obtaining elite status within and beyond civil society. This is studied in the context of emerging democracy in Indonesia and shrinking civic space in Cambodia. Combining Bourdieu’s concepts of field and elite with strategic action fields, the article uses data from interviews with civil society leaders. It finds different patterns. In Indonesia, elitisation occurs through a process of CSO formalisation and bureaucratisation, with elites gaining legitimacy owing to their formal offices. As a result, competition for formal positions intensifies: This is particularly notable among national CSO leaders, who may shift their activities to the grassroots level to seek further empowerment and other capitals to legitimise their elite status, facilitate the rise of leaders in existing fields, and create pluralistic forms of elites. Regulations have also resulted in the marginalisation of non-formal elites and shifted the locus of legitimacy from activism to formalism. Meanwhile, in Cambodia, regulatory formalisation and bureaucratisation has not only reduced the space for elite competition and level of competitiveness, but also created ‘most dominant actors’ or ‘hyper-elites’ who are loyal to and support the regime and its priorities while punishing those who do not. This has resulted in a monolithic form of elites.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/1456
2019-07-02T04:48:00Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/1456
2019-07-02T04:48:00Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 6, No 3 (2018): The Feminist Project under Threat in Europe; 20-30
Gender Knowledge, and Opposition to the Feminist Project: Extreme-Right Populist Parties in the Netherlands
Verloo, Mieke; Institute for Management Research, Radboud University, the Netherlands
2018-09-14 04:12:03
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/1456
episteme; Europe; extreme right; sciences; gender equality; gender knowledge; political party; sexual equality; social complexity theory; the Netherlands
en
This article aims to better understand current opposition to feminist politics by analyzing positions of extreme-right populist parties on gender knowledge, “explicit and implicit representations concerning the differences between the sexes and the relations between them, the origins and normative significance of these, the rationale and evidence underpinning them and their material form” (Cavaghan, 2017, p. 48). These understandings contribute to constructing a societal truth on gender and/or to setting the terms of the political debate about gender issues. This article introduces and uses the theoretical concept of episteme to highlight the systematic nature of discursive institutional settings, and the role knowledge and truth production plays in processes reproducing or countering gender inequality. The article analyzes the positions of extreme-right populist parties in the Netherlands and their discursive attacks on the feminist project in the Netherlands, in which these opponents use a redefined concept of ‘cultural Marxism’. Through this analysis, the article illustrates the theoretical argument that epistemic dynamics play a strong role in opposition to feminist politics, that the shifting epistemic framing of science is important in these oppositions and that more comprehensive attention for the epistemic dimension is needed.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/3877
2021-09-01T13:09:43Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
ec_fundedresources
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/3877
2021-09-01T13:09:43Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 9, No 3 (2021): Reactionary Politics and Resentful Affect in Populist Times; 204-214
Islamist and Nativist Reactionary Radicalisation in Europe
Kaya, Ayhan; Department of International Relations, Istanbul Bilgi University, Turkey
2021-08-27 10:10:49
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/3877
asabiyya; deprivation; honour; Islamophobia; justice; nativism; populism; radicalisation
European Commission
en
In this article, the term “radicalisation” is discussed as a process that appears to be a defensive and reactionary response of various individuals suffering from social, economic, and political forms of exclusion, subordination, alienation, humiliation, and isolation. To that effect, the article challenges the mainstream understanding of radicalisation. In doing so, the work concentrates on the elaboration of reactionary radicalisation processes of self-identified Muslim youth and self-identified native youth residing in Europe. The main reason behind the selection of these two groups is the assumption that both groups are co-radicalizing each other in the contemporary world that is defined by the ascendance of a civilizational political discourse since the war in the Balkans in the 1990s. Based on the findings of in-depth interviews conducted with youngsters from both groups in Belgium, France, Germany, and the Netherlands, the work demonstrates that the main drivers of the radicalisation processes of these two groups cannot be explicated through the reproduction of civilizational, cultural, and religious differences. Instead, the drivers of radicalisation for both groups are very identical as they are both socio-economically, politically, and psychologically deprived of certain elements constrained by the flows of globalization and dominant forms of neo-liberal governance.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/820
2018-12-12T07:20:32Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/820
2018-12-12T07:20:32Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 5, No 2 (2017): Multidisciplinary Studies in Politics and Governance; 16-26
The Effect of Direct Democratic Participation on Citizens’ Political Attitudes in Switzerland: The Difference between Availability and Use
Kern, Anna; Centre for Citizenship and Democracy, University of Leuven, Belgium
2017-03-27 05:22:28
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/820
direct democracy; external efficacy; political attitudes; political participation; political trust
en
According to advocates of direct democracy, it is important to involve citizens more directly in political decision-making processes in order to create a democratic linkage between citizens and the political system. Indeed, some studies have demonstrated that citizens who live in direct democracies have higher levels of trust in political institutions and a higher sense of political efficacy. However, not all empirical evidence confirms this relationship. In a recent article on Switzerland, it was shown that, while the availability of direct democratic rights enhances trust in political institutions, using those rights actually initiates distrust. In this paper I expand the analysis of Bauer and Fatke (2014) and test whether the different effects of availability of direct democratic rights and the frequency of their use also hold for broader measures of trust in political institutions and political efficacy. I find that, even though an increased use of direct democratic measures is associated with lower levels of confidence in authorities on the cantonal level, this relationship is no longer apparent when applying a more comprehensive measurement of trust in political institutions.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/2594
2021-01-29T10:15:35Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/2594
2021-01-29T10:15:35Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 8, No 2 (2020): Quantifying Higher Education: Governing Universities and Academics by Numbers; 15-25
Algorithmic Allocation: Untangling Rival Considerations of Fairness in Research Management
Dix, Guus; Centre for Science and Technology Studies, Leiden University, The Netherlands
Kaltenbrunner, Wolfgang; Centre for Science and Technology Studies, Leiden University, The Netherlands
Tijdink, Joeri; Department of Medical Humanities, AmsterdamUMC, The Netherlands / Department of Philosophy, Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam, The Netherlands
Valkenburg, Govert; Department of Interdisciplinary Studies of Culture, Norwegian University of Science and Technology, Norway
de Rijcke, Sarah; Centre for Science and Technology Studies, Leiden University, The Netherlands
2020-04-09 04:28:57
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/2594
algorithmic allocation; higher education; marketization; performance indicators; quantification; resource allocation
en
Marketization and quantification have become ingrained in academia over the past few decades. The trust in numbers and incentives has led to a proliferation of devices that individualize, induce, benchmark, and rank academic performance. As an instantiation of that trend, this article focuses on the establishment and contestation of ‘algorithmic allocation’ at a Dutch university medical centre. Algorithmic allocation is a form of data-driven automated reasoning that enables university administrators to calculate the overall research budget of a department without engaging in a detailed qualitative assessment of the current content and future potential of its research activities. It consists of a range of quantitative performance indicators covering scientific publications, peer recognition, PhD supervision, and grant acquisition. Drawing on semi-structured interviews, focus groups, and document analysis, we contrast the attempt to build a rationale for algorithmic allocation—citing unfair advantage, competitive achievement, incentives, and exchange—with the attempt to challenge that rationale based on existing epistemic differences between departments. From the specifics of the case, we extrapolate to considerations of epistemic and market fairness that might equally be at stake in other attempts to govern the production of scientific knowledge in a quantitative and market-oriented way.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/4
2014-04-08T06:03:03Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/6271
2022-11-28T16:00:56Z
politicsandgovernance:EDI
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/6271
2022-11-28T16:00:56Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 10, No 4 (2022): The Role of Religions and Conspiracy Theories in Democratic and Authoritarian Regimes; 132-134
The Role of Religions and Conspiracy Theories in Democratic and Authoritarian Regimes
Hidalgo, Oliver Fernando; Department of Politics, University of Münster, Germany
Yendell, Alexander; Research Institute Social Cohesion, Leipzig University, Germany
2022-11-24 09:49:33
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/6271
authoritarianism; conspiracy ideology; conspiracy myths; conspiracy theory; Corona; Covid-19; democracy; pandemic; religion; religiosity
en
This thematic issue asks about the role of religions and religious actors and conspiracy theories/theorists in democratic and authoritarian regimes in general. Special attention is given to the current Covid-19 pandemic, since the relevant state of emergency obviously endorses the persuasiveness of conspiracy theories and makes the comparison with religions necessary. In this respect, the challenges religious prejudices and conspiracy myths imply could even shed light on the problem of whether democracy or authoritarianism is the best regime to fight the Coronavirus successfully. The articles at hand answer these issues from interdisciplinary areas, particularly from political science, sociology, social psychology, and history.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/3913
2021-07-02T18:17:54Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/3913
2021-07-02T18:17:54Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 9, No 2 (2021): The Politics, Promise and Peril of Ranked Choice Voting; 293-305
Demographic Disparities Using Ranked-Choice Voting? Ranking Difficulty, Under-Voting, and the 2020 Democratic Primary
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/download/3913/25616
Coll, Joseph A.; Department of Political Science, University of Iowa, USA
2021-06-15 09:32:46
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/3913
Democratic primaries; elections; electoral systems; ethnic; race; ranked choice voting; United States of America
en
Ranked choice voting (RCV) has become increasingly popular in recent years, as more jurisdictions in the US adopt the voting system for local, state, and federal elections. Though previous studies have found potential benefits of RCV, some evidence suggests ranking multiple candidates instead of choosing one most preferred candidate may be difficult, with potential demographic disparities linked to age, gender, or racial or ethnic identity. Further, these difficulties have been assumed to cause individuals to improperly fill out RCV ballots, such as ranking too many or not enough candidates. This study seeks to answer three interrelated questions: 1) Which demographic groups find it difficult to rank candidates in RCV elections? 2) Who is more likely to cast under-voted ballots (not ranking all candidates)? 3) Is there a relationship between finding RCV voting difficult and the likelihood of casting an under-voted ballot? Using unique national survey data of 2020 Democratic primary candidate preferences, the results indicate most respondents find ranking candidates easy, but older, less interested, and more ideologically conservative individuals find it more difficult. In a hypothetical ranking of primary candidates, 12% of respondents under-voted (did not rank all options). Despite their perceived increased difficulty, older individuals were less likely to under-vote their ballot. No other demographic groups consistently experienced systematic differences in ranking difficulty or under-voting across a series of model specifications. These findings support previous evidence of older voters having increased difficulty, but challenge research assuming difficulty leads to under-voting, and that racial and ethnic groups are disadvantaged by RCV.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/7453
2024-03-13T11:06:14Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/7453
2024-03-13T11:06:14Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 12 (2024): The Political Representation and Participation of Migrants
Selective Inclusion? Insights Into Political Parties' Recruitment of Immigrant Background Candidates in Bolzano
Zogu, Giorgia; Institute for Minority Rights, Eurac Research, Italy / Center for Migration and Diversity, Eurac Research, Italy / Department of Political Science, University of Vienna, Austria
Schönthaler, Sophia; Center for Migration and Diversity, Eurac Research, Italy / Centre for Southeast European Studies, University of Graz, Austria
2024-03-13 10:04:40
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/7453
diversity; immigrants; immigrant background; local elections; political parties; political recruitment; selective inclusiveness
en
Political parties can be crucial gatekeepers to the political participation of immigrants. This article analyzes the political selection strategies of political parties at the local level. The case study focuses on the multi-ethnic city of Bolzano in Northern Italy, which is home to a significant migrant population as well as three autochthonous language groups: Italian, German, and Ladin. First, the article gives an overview of the political lists presented at the last local elections in 2020. Second, it discusses party strategies to recruit candidates with an immigration background. The presented insights are drawn from seven “elite” interviews (i.e., with high-ranking party representatives). Overall, the findings indicate that diversity stemming from migration does not have a significant impact on the recruitment strategies of the province’s political parties’: Despite electoral lists containing an increasing number of immigrants, who have migrated to South Tyrol since the 1990s, neither newer nor traditional parties adopt significant strategies to recruit candidates with an immigration background. Overall, the diversity on political lists mostly reflects the existing language cleavages of the autochthonous population, while diversity stemming from immigration is still largely overlooked. However, the results also show that while neither of the parties is fully inclusive or exclusive in their selection methods, we identify a tendency toward selective inclusiveness of certain immigrant groups.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/1188
2018-12-12T07:20:34Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/1188
2018-12-12T07:20:34Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 6, No 1 (2018): Why Choice Matters: Revisiting and Comparing Measures of Democracy; 22-32
Conceptualizing and Measuring the Quality of Democracy: The Citizens’ Perspective
Fuchs, Dieter; Department of Social Science, University of Stuttgart, Germany
Roller, Edeltraud; Department of Political Science, Johannes Gutenberg University Mainz, Germany
2018-03-19 04:30:24
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/1188
democracy; measuring democracy; models of democracy; political culture; quality of democracy; social science concepts; subjective quality of democracy; varieties of democracy
en
In recent years, several measurements of the quality of democracy have been developed (e.g. Democracy Barometer, Varieties of Democracy Project). These objective measurements focus on institutional and procedural characteristics of democracy. This article starts from the premise that in order to fully understand the quality of democracy such objective measurements have to be complemented by subjective measurements based on the perspective of citizens. The aim of the article is to conceptualize and measure the subjective quality of democracy. First, a conceptualization of the subjective quality of democracy is developed consisting of citizens’ support for three normative models of democracy (electoral, liberal, and direct democracy). Second, based on the World Values Survey 2005–2007, an instrument measuring these different dimensions of the subjective quality of democracy is suggested. Third, distributions for different models of democracy are presented for some European and non-European liberal democracies. They reveal significant differences regarding the subjective quality of democracies. Fourth, the subjective quality of democracy of these countries is compared with the objective quality of democracy based on three indices (electoral democracy, liberal democracy and direct popular vote) developed by the Varieties of Democracy (V-Dem) Project. Finally, further research questions are discussed.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/5816
2022-07-18T17:05:40Z
politicsandgovernance:EDI
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/5816
2022-07-18T17:05:40Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 10, No 3 (2022): Constructing Ocean and Polar Governance; 1-4
Constructing Ocean and Polar Governance
Wehrmann, Dorothea; Research Programme on Inter- and Transnational Cooperation, German Institute of Development and Sustainability (IDOS), Germany
Zimmermann, Hubert; Department of Social Sciences and Philosophy, Philipps University of Marburg, Germany
2022-07-14 10:48:42
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/5816
Arctic Council; climate change; ecosystems; global commons; maritime governance; polar governance; United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea
en
The governance of ocean and polar regions is among the most relevant challenges in the combat against global environmental degradation and global inequalities. Ocean and polar regions are climate regulators and very much affected by climate change. They are an important source of nutrition for life in and above the sea. At the same time, they are subject to an increasing number of geopolitical and geo-economic conflicts. Due to the lasting virulence of many security issues, economic conflicts, legal disputes, new technological developments, and environmental crises in global marine areas as well as the intricate overlap of sovereign, semi-sovereign, and global commons territories, the relevance of ocean and polar governance is bound to rise. This thematic issue sketches important trends in research on these issues and identifies future avenues of inquiry. In this editorial, we first provide an overview of governance challenges for ocean and polar regions and their relevance for geopolitical and geo-economic conflicts. In a second step, we present the eight contributions that make up the thematic issue by clustering them around three themes: (a) challenges to norm-creation in ocean governance, (b) the impact of territorialisation on governance and the construction of authority, and (c) the effectiveness of regimes of ocean and polar governance.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/649
2018-12-12T07:20:31Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/649
2018-12-12T07:20:31Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 4, No 3 (2016): Climate Governance and the Paris Agreement; 115-123
Conference Diplomacy: The Making of the Paris Agreement
Brun, Aslak; Ministry of Climate and Environment, Government of Norway, Norway
2016-09-08 03:03:04
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/649
back-channel negotiations; climate change; cooperation; diplomacy; international negotiations; participation; UN
en
The article offers an insider’s account of how the Paris Agreement on climate change was reached. Focusing on participation and ambition, it describes the efforts to include a long-term temperature goal, expectations for regular ratcheting up of climate efforts, and provisions for tracking global progress. The author argues that a shift from the earlier top-down approaches to setting targets, to a bottom-up, self-determined approach has spurred participation and made it easier to reach agreement. In addition, the Paris Agreement anchors a clearer direction of travel than before. The article also discusses the negotiations of the provisions in the Agreement to drive increased national climate mitigation efforts over time. Finally, the author considers the role of conference diplomacy, particularly the need for inclusive leadership. It is argued that the French Presidency combined a transparent negotiations process with a clear sense of direction that helped achieve a comprehensive and ambitious outcome. The role of back-channel talks as part of effective conference diplomacy is also discussed.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/2526
2020-03-05T05:19:04Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/2526
2020-03-05T05:19:04Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 8, No 1 (2020): Political Behavior in the EU Multi-Level System; 19-27
Democracy or Oligarchy? Unequal Representation of Income Groups in European Institutions
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/download/2526/14162
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/download/2526/16692
Lefkofridi, Zoe; Department of Political Science, University of Salzburg, Austria
Giger, Nathalie; Department of Political Science and International Relations, University of Geneva, Switzerland
2020-02-13 06:06:41
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/2526
congruence; Council of the European Union; European Parliament; European Union; inequality; representation
en
In this study we examine the representation of income groups in two EU-level institutions, the Council and the European Parliament. We find that the political positions of these institutions, and especially of the Council, are always on the right compared to European citizens, though closer to the wealthy among them. However, a more systematic analysis of congruence between different income groups and the Council reveals that while the poor are systematically underrepresented, the rich are not systematically over-represented. This holds both when we examine the poor and the rich across the EU as a whole and when we cluster them according to their respective member states.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/5303
2022-08-26T10:06:03Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/5303
2022-08-26T10:06:03Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 10, No 3 (2022): Legitimacy and Global Economic Ties; 143-154
“Selective Friendship at the Fund”: United States Allies, Labor Conditions, and the International Monetary Fund’s Legitimacy
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/download/5303/35704
Metinsoy, Saliha; Department of International Relations and International Organization, University of Groningen, The Netherlands
2022-08-23 10:42:41
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/5303
International Monetary Fund; labor conditions; legitimacy; lending programs; United States
en
This article discusses the International Monetary Fund’s recent effort to garner legitimacy by incorporating the reduction of economic inequality in its lending programs. It argues that the impact of the US as a major shareholder on conditionality and geopolitical considerations beyond objective and measurable economic necessities detract from these efforts to expand legitimacy. Using a panel data analysis of International Monetary Fund programs between 1980 and 2013, the article shows that US-allied left-wing governments receive a larger number of labor conditions in their programs compared to non-allied and right-wing governments. The article argues that this is part of left-wing governments’ strategy of maintaining their alliance with the US and demonstrating ideological proximity. In exchange, the US uses its influence to secure fewer conditions in total for its allied governments. This not only shifts the burden of adjustment on labor groups but also harms the Fund’s procedural legitimacy, as conditions are not objectively determined. It also has adverse implications for outcome legitimacy by distorting economic policies and outcomes and increasing income inequality.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/375
2018-12-12T07:20:29Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/375
2018-12-12T07:20:29Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 3, No 3 (2015): Mass Atrocity Prevention (Part I); 5-15
Triggers of Mass Atrocities
Straus, Scott; Department of Political Science, University of Wisconsin-Madison, USA
2015-10-27 14:21:29
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/375
atrocity; mass atrocity; genocide; prevention; triggers
United Nations Office of the Special Adviser on Genocide Prevention
en
The concept of “triggers” enjoys wide usage in the atrocity prevention policymaking community. However, the concept has received limited academic analysis. This paper reviews the concept critically, develops a definition, and subjects the concept to empirical analysis. The paper offers a mild endorsement of the concept of triggers of atrocity. The paper identifies four main categories of triggering event but cautions that triggers cannot be separated from context or decision-makers.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/1893
2019-07-02T04:48:05Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/1893
2019-07-02T04:48:05Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 7, No 2 (2019): The Politics, Promise and Peril of Direct Democracy; 187-197
‘Let the Citizens Fix This Mess!’ Podemos’ Claim for Participatory Democracy in Spain
Rico Motos, Carlos; Department of International Relations, Universidad Pontificia Comillas, Spain
2019-06-27 04:28:37
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/1893
deliberative democracy; participatory democracy; Podemos; political representation; referendums; Spain
Spanish Ministry of Economy and Competitiveness
en
The declining trust in the representative institutions of liberal democracy after the 2008 economic crisis has generated a rise in appeals to substitute the representative model in favor of a participatory democracy. Although political representation has been in crisis since its very inception, for the first time the new technologies of communication based in the Web 2.0, smartphones and social media make replacing the elites’ intermediation in decision-making a real possibility. Aiming to critically address this issue, the article uses a political theory framework to analyze the role of political participation within the main models of democracy as a first step from where to question the viability and convenience of participatory democracy nowadays. Then, the article focuses on the case of Podemos in Spain, a left-wing populist party that advocates for instruments like referendums and citizen initiatives as a solution for the Spanish political crisis. Here, the article highlights the shortcomings of Podemos’s participatory proposal, mainly focused on aggregating predetermined positions instead of addressing the dynamics that undermine the quality of political debate. Finally, we conclude that dealing with the citizens’ political disaffection requires institutional innovations designed to increase the deliberative quality of our representative democracies.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/4633
2021-12-14T11:07:11Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/4633
2021-12-14T11:07:11Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 9, No 4 (2021): Secessionism in Liberal Democracies: What Do We Really Know About the Explanations of Secessionism?; 465-474
The Democratic Legitimacy of Secession and the Demos Problem
Martí, José L.; Department of Law, Pompeu Fabra University, Spain
2021-12-10 10:00:43
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/4633
all-affected principle; all-subjected principle; consensus; constitution; democracy; demos; legitimacy; referendum; secession
en
The normative literature on secession has widely addressed the question of under which conditions the secession of a particular territory from a larger state might be regarded as justifiable. The idea of a normative justification of secession, however, remains ambiguous unless one distinguishes between the justice of secession and its legitimacy, a distinction that is now widely accepted in political philosophy. Much of the literature seems to have focused on the question about justice, while, in comparison, very little attention has been paid to the question of under which conditions secession can be regarded as democratically legitimate, as something explicitly different to the question of justice. This article addresses this second question. After some preliminary remarks, the article focuses on the main obstacle to develop a theory of democratic legitimacy of secessions, the so-called “demos problem.” Such problem, it is argued, has no categorical solution. This does not imply, however, that there is no democratic, legitimate way of redrawing our borders. Two strategies are proposed in this article to overcome the difficulty posed by the demos problem: an ideal strategy of consensus building and a non-ideal strategy of decision-making in the circumstances of disagreement.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/3281
2020-11-19T06:15:09Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/3281
2020-11-19T06:15:09Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 8, No 4 (2020): Rediscovering Nordic Cooperation; 21-32
Nordic Administrative Collaboration: Scope, Predictors and Effects on Policy Design and Administrative Reform Measures
Lægreid, Per; Department of Administration and Organization Theory, University of Bergen, Norway
Rykkja, Lise H.; Department of Administration and Organization Theory, University of Bergen, Norway
2020-11-03 03:37:34
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/3281
administrative collaboration; administrative reforms; civil service; differentiated integration; Nordic countries; Norway; policy design; public policy
en
This article examines whether Nordic administrative collaboration is still ‘alive and kicking,’ or whether it has been marginalized by increased integration into Europe and strong international reform trajectories. We analyse the scope and intensity of Nordic administrative collaboration from a structural perspective based on the perceptions of civil servants in the Norwegian central government. We also address the implications of Nordic collaboration for policy design and reform measures. The main conclusion is that Nordic administrative collaboration can best be described as differentiated integration. The scope of Nordic administrative collaboration is rather broad, and its internal structural features vary significantly. Nordic collaboration is perceived to have more of an effect on policy design than on specific administrative reform means and measures. However, structural features also matter.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/6341
2023-06-27T11:21:44Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/6341
2023-06-27T11:21:44Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 11, No 2 (2023): The European Union and International Regime Complexes; 49-61
Expanding, Complementing, or Substituting Multilateralism? EU Preferential Trade Agreements in the Migration Regime Complex
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/download/6341/42312
Hoffmeyer-Zlotnik, Paula; Department of Political Science and International Relations, University of Geneva, Switzerland / Cologne Center for Comparative Politics, University of Cologne, Germany
Lavenex, Sandra; Department of Political Science and International Relations, University of Geneva, Switzerland
Lutz, Philipp; Department of Political Science and International Relations, University of Geneva, Switzerland / Department of Political Science and Public Administration, Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam, The Netherlands
2023-04-26 09:55:07
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/6341
EU; migration; preferential trade agreements; regime complexity; venue‐shopping
Swiss National Science Foundation, NCCR on the Move
en
Intense pressure for international solutions and weak support for multilateral cooperation have led the EU to increasingly rely on its strongest foreign policy tool in the pursuit of migration policy goals: preferential trade agreements (PTAs). Starting from the fragmentary architecture of the migration regime complex we examine how the relevant content of the EU PTAs relates to multilateral institutions. Depending on the constellation of policy objectives, EU competence, and international interdependence, we propose a set of hypotheses regarding the conditions under which EU bilateral outreach via PTAs expands, complements, or substitutes international norms. Based on an original dataset of migration provisions in all EU PTAs signed between 1960 and 2020, we find that the migration policy content in EU PTAs expands or complements the objectives of multilateral institutions only to a very limited extent. Instead, the predominant constellation is one of substitution in which the EU uses its PTAs to promote migration policy objectives that depart from those of existing multilateral institutions.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/1574
2019-07-02T04:48:01Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/1574
2019-07-02T04:48:01Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 6, No 4 (2018): Interdisciplinary Approaches to Studying Emotions within Politics and International Relations; 62-72
Emotions and Political Narratives: Populism, Trump and Trade
Skonieczny, Amy; Department of International Relations, San Francisco State University, USA
2018-12-28 05:19:30
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/1574
economic nationalism; emotions; identity; narratives; populism; trade; Trans-Pacific Partnership; Trump; US foreign policy
en
In 2016, a wave of American populism triggered emotional reactions to issues like trade and immigration, and dramatically impacted the Obama administration’s plans to ratify the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) during President Obama’s final year in office. This article asks how do emotions infuse populism with political power, and why was populism effective in sparking American economic nationalism and retreat from free trade during the 2016 presidential campaign? Drawing on a psychoanalytic, narrative framework, the article argues that populist narratives deployed by US presidential candidates Donald Trump and Bernie Sanders characterized the American economy as a story of the people versus corrupt elites offering greater audience resonance that ultimately derailed President Obama’s plan to pass the TPP and ushered in an era of economic nationalism under President Trump. The article contributes to the literature on emotions and foreign policy and explores the under-studied emotional features of populism as a discursive narrative.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/4419
2021-10-28T09:48:02Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/4419
2021-10-28T09:48:02Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 9, No 4 (2021): Climate Change and Security; 53-64
Japan’s Climate Change Discourse: Toward Climate Securitisation?
Koppenborg, Florentine; Bavarian School of Public Policy, Technical University Munich, Germany
Hanssen, Ulv; Faculty of Law, Soka University, Japan
2021-10-22 09:50:31
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/4419
bureaucratic politics; civil society; climate; crisis; discourse; emergency; Japan; securitisation
en
This article situates Japan in the international climate security debate by analysing competing climate change discourses. In 2020, for the first time, the Japanese Ministry of the Environment included the term “climate crisis” (kikō kiki) in its annual white paper, and the Japanese parliament adopted a “climate emergency declaration” (kikō hijō jitai sengen). Does this mean that Japan’s climate discourse is turning toward the securitisation of climate change? Drawing on securitisation theory, this article investigates whether we are seeing the emergence of a climate change securitisation discourse that treats climate change as a security issue rather than a conventional political issue. The analysis focuses on different stakeholders in Japan’s climate policy: the Japanese Ministry of the Environment, the Ministry of Economy, Trade, and Industry, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the parliament, the Cabinet, and sub- and non-state actors. Through a discourse analysis of ministry white papers and publications by other stakeholders, the article identifies a burgeoning securitisation discourse that challenges, albeit moderately, the status quo of incrementalism and inaction in Japan’s climate policy. This article further highlights Japan’s position in the rapidly evolving global debate on the urgency of climate action and provides explanations for apparent changes and continuities in Japan’s climate change discourse.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/101
2023-12-27T09:01:36Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/101
2023-12-27T09:01:36Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 1, No 2 (2013): Multidisciplinary Studies in Politics and Governance; 151-169
The Quality of Deliberation in Two Committees of the European Parliament: The Neglected Influence of the Situational Context and the Policymaking Stage
Roger, Léa; Department of Political Sciences, Helmut Schmidt University/University of the Federal Armed Forces Hamburg, Holstenhofweg 85, 22043 Hamburg, Germany
Schaal, Gary S.; Department of Political Sciences, Helmut Schmidt University/University of the Federal Armed Forces Hamburg, Holstenhofweg 85, 22043 Hamburg, Germany
2013-10-09 00:00:00
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/101
committees; deliberation; European Parliament; responsiveness
en
In our paper we try to answer two empirical research questions. First, we assess the deliberative quality of discussions in two committees of the EU Parliament. In order to do so, we use a slightly revised version of the DQI. Second, we identify and empirically measure those variables that systematically influence the quality of deliberation in interviews with debate actors. We argue that the quality of deliberation in EU committees is influenced by two normative values: deliberation (common good orientation) and responsiveness (particular interest orientation), with the guiding value determined by the particular situation. Using a multidimensional concept of deliberation, we empirically test the impact of situational variables on specific aspects of deliberative quality. In addition, we take into account the temporal dimension of deliberation.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/1505
2019-07-02T04:48:01Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/1505
2019-07-02T04:48:01Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 6, No 4 (2018): Interdisciplinary Approaches to Studying Emotions within Politics and International Relations; 103-114
The Advocacy of Feelings: Emotions in EU-Based Civil Society Organizations’ Strategies
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/download/1505/7135
Sanchez Salgado, Rosa; Department of Political Science, University of Amsterdam, The Netherlands
2018-12-28 05:19:31
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/1505
civil society organizations; emotions; European Union; feelings; interest groups
en
European Union (EU)-based Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) are usually pictured as well-established professionalized actors basing their advocacy strategies on the provision of expertise. Does the focus on expertise imply the removal of emotions and feelings from political communication? Following the emotion turn in social movement and collective action studies, this article investigates how and why EU-based CSOs use emotions in their advocacy strategies. The article shows first how CSOs use rhetorical appeals to emotions and rhetorical appeals to reason in their communication. Secondly, the focus is directed to emotion-inspired advocacy strategies, namely blaming and shaming, fear-mongering and boosting. The choice of rhetorical appeals and strategies is mainly explained by three different inter-related factors: the logics of influence, the logics of membership and media logics. Empirical data is drawn from a content analysis of press releases and policy documents of environmental (climate change) and human rights (refugee crisis) CSOs active at the EU level and from semi-structured interviews with key CSO representatives.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/6330
2023-08-31T09:50:38Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/6330
2023-08-31T09:50:38Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 11, No 2 (2023): Hate Speech, Demonization, Polarization, and Political Social Responsibility; 147-159
Dilemmas Between Freedom of Speech and Hate Speech: Russophobia on Facebook and Instagram in the Spanish Media
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/download/6330/42466
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/download/6330/42467
Caldevilla-Domínguez, David; Department of Communication Theories and Communication Analysis, Complutense University of Madrid, Spain
Barrientos-Báez, Almudena; Department of Communication Theories and Communication Analysis, Complutense University of Madrid, Spain
Padilla-Castillo, Graciela; Department of Journalism and New Media, Complutense University of Madrid, Spain
2023-05-17 09:19:42
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/6330
deontology; Facebook; freedom of speech; hate speech; Instagram; media; Meta; Russia; Russophobia; social media
Madrid Government
en
On March 11, 2022, Russia opened a criminal case against Meta, the parent firm that owns Facebook, Instagram, and WhatsApp. It alleged that Facebook had modified its community standards, broadening its concept of freedom of speech to allow alleged hate speech against Russian citizens, amid the conflict in Ukraine. Reuters (2022, para. 1) refers to a “temporary change in the company’s hate speech policy,” according to confidential Facebook documents. The Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights called the change “worrying” (“Rusia y Ucrania,” 2022, para. 11). In this context, this article addresses two objectives: (a) to explore and comment on the state of the art on freedom of expression in social networks and its deontological limitations to prevent hatred against nationalities (EU legislation, scientific research, Twitter, and Instagram deontological limitations); and (b) to study the emergence of possible cases of Russophobia, in a mediatized form, through the news of Spanish media and the comments they generated on their Facebook and Instagram sites. A triangular methodology is used: analytical and longitudinal commentary on EU definitions and standards on hate speech; quantitative analysis of news items in Spanish media on Russophobia, on Facebook and Instagram, published between January 1, 2022, and October 20, 2022; and mixed analysis of the engagement of these news items, thanks to the Fanpage Karma tool. The media coverage of Russophobia is scarce, with an average of one news item per media and, exceptionally, with two news items in very few cases. It is also striking that in such a long period, only six hashtags are used.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/3460
2020-07-17T03:13:05Z
politicsandgovernance:EDI
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/3460
2020-07-17T03:13:05Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 8, No 3 (2020): Populism and Polarization: A Dual Threat to Europe’s Liberal Democracies?; 1-5
How Populism and Polarization Affect Europe’s Liberal Democracies
Schulze, Heidi; GESIS—Leibniz Institute for the Social Sciences, Germany
Mauk, Marlene; GESIS—Leibniz Institute for the Social Sciences, Germany
Linde, Jonas; Department of Comparative Politics, University of Bergen, Norway
2020-07-17 03:43:46
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/3460
democracy; hyperpartisan media; polarization; political support; populism
en
In recent years, two phenomena have put Europe’s liberal democracies under strain: populism and polarization. The rise of populist parties, the increasing radicalization of publics and political discourse, as well as the expansion of hyperpartisan media have caused concern among observers and citizens alike. While lively academic discussions have revolved around the causes of these phenomena, research regarding their real-world consequences has been sparse. This thematic issue wants to address this gap in the literature and contribute to developing strategies for mitigating potential threats populism and polarization may pose to liberal democracies. To this end, it examines how populism and polarization affect citizens across Europe. It links research on audiences of hyperpartisan media with work on elite-induced polarization, populist conceptions of democracy, election results and support for the democratic system, and policy-making by populist governments.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/1338
2019-07-02T04:47:58Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/1338
2019-07-02T04:47:58Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 6, No 2 (2018): Global Cybersecurity: New Directions in Theory and Methods; 73-82
Crossing the Digital Divide: Monism, Dualism and the Reason Collective Action is Critical for Cyber Theory Production
Whyte, Christopher; L. Douglas Wilder School of Government and Public Affairs, Virginia Commonwealth University, USA
2018-06-11 07:46:46
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/1338
cyber; dualism; epistemology; monism; ontology; philosophy of science
en
In studying topics in cyber conflict and cyber-security governance, scholars must ask—arguably more so than has been the case with any other emergent research agenda—where the epistemological and ontological value of different methods lies. This article describes the unique, dual methodological challenges inherent in the multifaceted program on global cyber-security and asks how problematic they are for scholarly efforts to construct knowledge about digital dynamics in world affairs. I argue that any answer to this question will vary depending on how one perceives the social science enterprise. While traditional dualistic perspectives on social science imply unique challenges for researcher, a monistic perspective of Weberian objectivity does not. Regardless of one’s perspective, however, the most important steps to be taken at the level of the research program are clearly those focused on constructing the trappings of community. To this end, I outline steps that might be taken to develop a range of community-building and -supporting mechanisms that can simultaneously support a micro-foundational approach to research and expose community elements to one another. Doing this stands to better opportunities for the production of knowledge and direct researchers towards fruitful avenues whilst shortening gaps between the ivory tower and the real world.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/4226
2021-08-17T11:16:15Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/4226
2021-08-17T11:16:15Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 9, No 3 (2021): Rising to a Challenge? Ten Years of Parliamentary Accountability of the European Semester; 112-123
Routine or Rare Activity? A Quantitative Assessment of Parliamentary Scrutiny in the European Semester
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/download/4226/30043
Skazlic, Ivana; Salzburg Centre for European Union Studies, University of Salzburg, Austria / Research Group European Governance, Public Finance and Labor Markets, Institute for Advanced Studies, Austria
2021-08-13 09:33:57
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/4226
European Semester; national parliaments; parliamentary accountability; parliamentary scrutiny
The PLATO (Post-crisis Legitimacy of the European Union) project, which has received funding from the EU’s Framework Programme for Research and Innovation Horizon 2020 under the Marie Skłodowska-Curie Grant
en
The European Semester is an EU procedure, designed to facilitate coordination between national and EU actors in planning and implementing economic and fiscal policies and contribute to sustained economic convergence and employment in the EU. Scholars have highlighted this procedure as a crucial area of EU politics for national parliaments since its introduction in 2011. However, national parliaments participate differently in the European Semester. This article investigates which factors (institutional, political, economic) are more likely to intensify parliamentary engagement at the national stage of the procedure, based on a comparative quantitative analysis of parliamentary scrutiny activities across 35 parliaments/chambers in the EU over the 2014–2017 period. The article offers new insights about prospects for greater parliamentary accountability in the European Semester in practice.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/784
2018-12-12T07:20:32Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/784
2018-12-12T07:20:32Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 5, No 1 (2017): Legitimization of Private and Public Regulation: Past and Present; 15-25
The Legitimation of Self-Regulation and Co-Regulation in Corporatist Concepts of Legal Scholars in the Weimar Republic
Collin, Peter; Max-Planck-Institute for European Legal History, Germany
2017-03-15 06:08:36
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/784
corporatism; public law; self-regulation; Weimar Republic
Max-Planck Institute for European Legal History; Goethe-University Frankfurt am Main
en
Corporatist regulation has a hybrid structure in that it covers state regulation, regulated self-regulation as well as private-public co-regulation. Notably diverging from the standard mode of state regulation, such arrangements required a higher degree of legitimation. Corporatist concepts flourished in the Weimar Republic. This paper deals with three legal scholars’ considerations regarding how to legitimize corporatist models, namely Edgar Tatarin-Tarnheyden, Heinrich Herrfahrdt, and Friedrich Glum. Their institutional touchstone was the Imperial Economic Council, as provided for by article 165 of the Weimar Constitution. This article envisioned a multi-level system of economic councils ranging from regional economic councils up to the Imperial Economic Council and involving representatives of all occupational groups in the performance of state tasks. However, only a Provisional Imperial Economic Council, with a restricted consultative remit, was ever actually established. Based on this model, Tatarin-Tarnheyden, Heinrich Herrfahrdt, and Friedrich Glum conceptualized organizational structures aiming at the comprehensive inclusion of non-state actors. They were legitimized primarily with reference to their output; that is, these organizational forms were supposed to enable a more appropriate and efficient realization of public interests. The input-based argument was basically a question of participation, which implies considerable proximity to typical topoi of democratic legitimation. This similarity is perhaps counter-intuitive, given that corporatist concepts are traditionally associated with anti-democratic ideologies due to their anti-parliamentarian slant. The numerous points of convergence between corporatist and democratic thought simultaneously reflect the heterogeneity of democratic reasoning in the Weimar period and the openness for ideas that were sceptical of—or even hostile to—parliamentary democracy and the party-based state.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/2680
2020-03-31T05:31:47Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/2680
2020-03-31T05:31:47Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 8, No 1 (2020): Politicization of EU Trade Policy across Time and Space; 266-276
Politicisation ‘Reversed’: EU Free Trade Negotiations with West Africa and the Caribbean
Moerland, Anke; Department of International and European Law, Maastricht University, The Netherlands
Weinhardt, Clara; Department of Political Science, Maastricht University, The Netherlands
2020-03-31 03:18:05
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/2680
deep integration; European Union; EU trade policy; Free Trade Agreement; non-state actors; politicisation; trade negotiations; West Africa
en
The politicisation of recent European Union (EU) trade negotiations such as the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership or the Comprehensive and Economic Trade Agreement suggests that the more negotiations focus on deep integration issues, the higher the potential for polarization of values and interests. Yet, as we argue, this pattern does not necessarily hold true in EU trade negotiations with the developing world. In the case of the Economic Partnership Agreements with West Africa and the Caribbean region, the pattern of politicisation was ‘reversed’: Politicisation remained low in the Caribbean region, despite the inclusion of deep integration issues. To the contrary, negotiations became highly politicised in West Africa, where negotiations focussed on the traditional realm of trade in goods. Combining the insights from the literature on the role of non-state actors (NSAs) in trade policy-making in developing countries and on politicisation, we show that limited pre-existing mobilisation resources of NSAs, and few opportunities to engage with the political level of negotiations, imply that those affected by the inclusion of deep integration issues hardly mobilise. We also find that lack of technical expertise and the significance of traditional trade areas pre-empts NSAs from engaging in emotive framing on deep integration issues. This helps us to unpack the different patterns of politicisation across both regions: Politicisation in West Africa was facilitated by civil society actors who—in contrast to the Caribbean region—could draw on pre-existing networks, expertise, and direct access to the regional negotiation level.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/5832
2022-11-28T16:00:56Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/5832
2022-11-28T16:00:56Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 10, No 4 (2022): The Role of Religions and Conspiracy Theories in Democratic and Authoritarian Regimes; 192-202
Links Between Conspiracy Thinking and Attitudes Toward Democracy and Religion: Survey Data From Poland
Czech, Franciszek; Institute of Intercultural Studies, Jagiellonian University, Poland
2022-11-24 09:49:34
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/5832
authoritarianism; conspiracy theory; conspiracy thinking; critical citizens; democracy; dissatisfied democrats; Poland; religion; survey data
en
Religion and democracy are not only social institutions but also objects of attitudes. This article focuses on conspiracy thinking and its links with attitudes toward religion and democracy. Due to its contextual character, the study is limited to Poland and the article intends to report the data on the subject from surveys conducted in this country. In terms of conspiracy thinking and attitudes toward religion, the literature review of existing Polish survey data (Study 1) led to the conclusion that not all types of religious life are correlated with conspiracy thinking. Individual spirituality (the centrality of religiosity and the quest orientation of religiosity) matters less in terms of conspiracy thinking than religion understood as a specific element of ideology (Polish Catholic nationalism, religious fundamentalism, or collective narcissism). In terms of attitudes toward democracy (Study 2), the original dataset is coded in a new way (as categorial variables) and then presented. It suggests that, contrary to earlier research, conspiracy thinking does not necessarily lead to the support of anti-democratic attitudes. Alienation as much as radicalization might be a consequence of conspiracy thinking. There is no significant difference in terms of conspiracy thinking between adherents of authoritarian rules and conditional democrats, indifferent democrats, or people with ambivalent opinions on democracy, described in comparative research on political culture as dissatisfied democrats or critical citizens. The lower level of conspiracy thinking has been identified only among consistent democrats.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/3884
2021-06-01T08:18:34Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/3884
2021-06-01T08:18:34Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 9, No 2 (2021): Reforming the Institutions of Eurozone Governance; 196-207
‘Don’t Crunch My Credit’: Member State Governments’ Preferences on Bank Capital Requirements
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/download/3884/23675
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/download/3884/23676
Commain, Sébastien; Institute of Political Science, University of Luxembourg, Luxembourg
2021-05-27 03:43:25
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/3884
banking regulation; Basel III; Capital Requirements Directive; Capital Requirements Regulation; financial capitalism; financial crisis
en
Across Europe, banks remain, to this day, the main suppliers of finance to the European economy, but also a source of systemic risk. As such, regulating them requires that policymakers find an appropriate balance between restricting their risk-taking behaviour and increasing lending to support economic growth. However, the ‘varieties of financial capitalism’ that characterize national banking sectors in Europe mean that the adoption of harmonised capital requirements has different effects across countries, depending on the country-specific institutional setting through which banks provide lending to the national economy. This article conducts a new analysis of Member State governments’ positions in the post-financial crisis reform of the EU capital requirements legislation, expanding the scope of previous studies on the topic. Here, I examine in detail the positions of Member States on a wider set of issues and for a broader set of countries than the existing literature. Building on the varieties of financial capitalism approach, I explain these positions with regard to structural features of national banking sectors. I find that Member State governments’ positions reveal a general agreement with the proposed increase of bank capital requirements, while seeking targeted exemptions and preferential treatment that they deem necessary to preserve their domestic supply of retail credit.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/7894
2024-01-05T16:56:45Z
politicsandgovernance:EDI
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/7894
2024-01-05T16:56:45Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 11, No 4 (2023): Governing the EU Polycrisis: Institutional Change After the Pandemic and the War in Ukraine; 246-251
Tested by the Polycrisis: Reforming or Transforming the EU?
Bressanelli, Edoardo; Institute of Law, Politics and Development (DIRPOLIS), Sant’Anna School of Advanced Studies, Italy
Natali, David; Institute of Law, Politics and Development (DIRPOLIS), Sant’Anna School of Advanced Studies, Italy
2023-12-29 09:01:05
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/7894
Covid‐19; crises; energy policy; EU institutions; EU integration; institutional change; policy change; Ukraine
MIUR - Progetto Montalcini
en
This thematic issue addresses the question: To what extent have the latest crises—the pandemic crisis and Russia’s war in Ukraine—triggered institutional and policy change in the EU? It contributes to the literature on the impact of crises on integration and the EU political system, presenting new research based on fresh theoretical insights, empirical data, or a combination of both. Theoretically, the contributions collected in the thematic issue explore whether the crises represent a critical juncture for the EU, leading to institutional and/or policy innovations or, rather, set in motion more incremental processes of adaptation. Empirically, all articles—some of which are qualitative, while others are quantitative—are based on original or new data. The first group of contributions deals with institutional change, focusing both on formal (i.e., treaty reform) and informal (i.e., codes of conduct) institutions. A second group moves the focus to policy change, looking at the impact of the Covid-19 pandemic on several policy areas and the energy crisis. Overall, the key lesson is that the EU can now manage and absorb new shocks quite effectively. At the same time, however, it does not promote ambitious and coherent political models or policy paradigms. Instead, it provides room for experimentation through patchwork-like strategies where old and new instruments and settings mix.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/1328
2019-07-02T04:47:58Z
politicsandgovernance:EDI
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/1328
2019-07-02T04:47:58Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 5, No 4 (2017): Populism and the Remaking of (Il)Liberal Democracy in Europe; 106-111
Editorial to the Issue on Populism and the Remaking of (Il)Liberal Democracy in Europe
Rensmann, Lars; Centre for International Relations and Department of European Languages and Cultures, University of Groningen, The Netherlands
de Lange, Sarah L.; Department of Political Science, University of Amsterdam, The Netherlands
Couperus, Stefan; Centre for International Relations and Department of European Languages and Cultures, University of Groningen, The Netherlands
2017-12-29 04:34:45
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/1328
cleavages; discontent; ideology; illiberal; liberal democracy; nativism; party systems; populism; representative democracy; Europe
en
Populism has become the issue of comparative political science today. The rise and continuing success of populist parties is by now evident across Europe, despite persistent cross-national variations. Populist parties’ electoral success and their participation in government have raised questions about their impact: not just on established party systems, but also on the systemic core of European democracies. In theory, this impact can be both beneficial for, as well as a challenge to democracy in general, and the tenets of liberal constitutional democracy in particular. The presence of populist parties has, in several cases, increased electoral turnout and public participation, which is generally seen as a positive effect when measuring the quality of democracy. However, populist parties’ rise also points to negative effects. In addition to profoundly reshaping European party systems, they advocate what the populist Hungarian prime minister Viktor Orbán calls “illiberal democracy”. Both as an ideal and as an institutional practice when in government, the illiberal remaking of democracy implies eroding the separation of powers and subordinating constitutionally guaranteed individual civil and human rights to an alleged “general will” and a particular conception of “the people”. The thematic issue explores the ideological supply, favorable conditions, political contexts and dynamics, as well as the impact of the populist surge in Europe in relation to the systemic consolidation of (il)liberal democracy on a theoretical and comparative empirical level.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/5341
2022-07-18T17:05:40Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/5341
2022-07-18T17:05:40Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 10, No 3 (2022): Constructing Ocean and Polar Governance; 29-40
Governability of Regional Challenges: The Arctic Development Paradox
Łuszczuk, Michał; Department of Social and Economic Geography, Maria Curie-Skłodowska University, Poland
Götze, Jacqueline; German Institute of Development and Sustainability (IDOS), Germany
Radzik-Maruszak, Katarzyna; Faculty of Political Science and Journalism, Maria Curie-Skłodowska University, Poland
Riedel, Arne; Ecologic Institute, Germany
Wehrmann, Dorothea; German Institute of Development and Sustainability (IDOS), Germany
2022-07-14 10:48:41
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/5341
Arctic development paradox; Arctic governability; European Arctic; transregional and regional cooperation
Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft (DFG), Narodowe Centrum Nauki (NCN)
en
The advancement of governance architecture in the Arctic region and dealing with the “Arctic development paradox” have been among the most significant challenges of the circumpolar North for decades. The common denominator of both issues is the growing necessity to frame solutions that credibly and effectively support the Arctic’s social and environmental systems in the face of climate change and globalisation. The current status quo seems deficient, which is why understanding the main impediments is subject to public and academic discussion. This article contributes to these debates by referring to the concept of governability to demonstrate how transregional activities advance the development of more coherent governance in the Arctic. The article explores approaches applied by transregional organisations and cooperation programmes that constitute the governance system in the European Arctic. Specifically, it scrutinises governing interactions developed by the Barents Regional Council and the Northern Periphery and Arctic Programme to overcome the normative trap of the Arctic development paradox. This research follows a semi-structured, exploratory approach, which facilitates identifying key elements of a structurally and conceptually led response that resounds in each case. Combined with a synoptic literature review, this article answers two questions: First, how do the transregional actors approach the Arctic development paradox in their cooperation strategies and programmes, and to what extent do these approaches differ? Second, what kind of recommendations do they provide to overcome the Arctic development paradox?
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/566
2018-12-12T07:20:31Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/566
2018-12-12T07:20:31Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 4, No 3 (2016): Supranational Institutions and Governance in an Era of Uncertain Norms; 5-19
Emerging Governance Architectures in Global Health: Do Metagovernance Norms Explain Inter-Organisational Convergence?
Holzscheiter, Anna; Department of Political and Social Sciences, Freie Universität Berlin, Germany, Junior Research Group Governance for Global Health, Freie Universität Berlin, Germany, and WZB Berlin Social Science Center, Germany
Bahr, Thurid; Department of Political and Social Sciences, Freie Universität Berlin, Germany, Junior Research Group Governance for Global Health, Freie Universität Berlin, Germany, and WZB Berlin Social Science Center, Germany
Pantzerhielm, Laura; Junior Research Group Governance for Global Health, Freie Universität Berlin, Germany, and WZB Berlin Social Science Center, Germany
2016-08-11 05:29:19
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/566
discourses; global health; international organisations; metagovernance; norms
en
This paper proposes a theoretical account of institutional transformation and the emergence of order in global inter-organisational relations, which is centred on the concept of “metagovernance”. It does so by theorising on the advent of governance architectures in global health governance—relationships between international organisations (IOs) in this field that are stable over time. Global health governance is routinely portrayed as an exceptionally fragmented field of international cooperation with a perceived lack of synergy and choreography between international and transnational organisations. However, our paper starts from the observation that there are also movements of convergence between international organisations. We seek to explain these by looking at the effects of international norms that define good global governance as orderly and harmonised global governance. We conceptualize such norms as “metagovernance norms” that are enacted in reflexive practices which govern and order the relationships between international organisations. Empirically, this paper traces changing interactions and institutional arrangements between IOs (World Health Organization; World Bank; Gavi, the Vaccine Alliance; and the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria) in global health governance since the late 1940s and shows how patterns therein reflect and (re)produce broader discursive perceptions of what “health” is about and how the governance thereof ought to be organised.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/2243
2020-01-20T08:06:45Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/2243
2020-01-20T08:06:45Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 7, No 4 (2019): Trade-Offs in the Political Realm: How Important Are Trade-Offs in Politics?; 264-274
The Theory of Democratic Antinomies and the Identification of Value Trade-Offs in Political Practice
Hidalgo, Oliver; Department of Political Science, University of Münster, Germany
2019-11-25 05:46:59
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/2243
antinomies; democracy; economic growth; freedom; populism; security; sustainability; value trade-offs
en
In theory, the idea of democracy consists of several insoluble contradictions, aporias, and conflicts. In practice, democracy demands an effective balancing of its essentially opposing principles and values in order to preserve an authentic character as well as to avoid its inherent self-destructive tendencies. In this regard, the concept of value trade-offs promises a heuristic tool to grasp both the analytical and normative impact of a political theory which takes the complexity of democracy seriously. Proceeding from this, the contribution will demonstrate to what extent the conceptualisation of democratic antinomies and the notion of value trade-offs can be seen as a kind of communicating vessel. The article’s general argument is that democracy is defined by several antinomies that are irreducible in theory and therefore require trade-offs in political practice. Moreover, it will discuss three relevant issue areas to suggest the approach’s empirical relevance and to prove the existence of value trade-offs as an operating benchmark for the legitimacy and consolidation of democratic processes on the one hand but also for their shortcomings and risks on the other. Correspondingly, the article concerns the antinomic relationships between freedom and security, economic growth and sustainability, and finally, democracy and populism to underpin the general perception that the success of democratic institutions first and foremost depends on the balance of the necessarily conflicting principles of democracy.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/7381
2024-01-31T10:51:27Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/7381
2024-01-31T10:51:27Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 12 (2024): Active Labour Market Policies and Youth Employment in European Peripheries
Digital Transformation and Digital Competences of Urban and Rural Polish Youths
Tomczyk, Łukasz; Institute of Education, Jagiellonian University, Poland
2024-01-31 09:58:25
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/7381
digital competences; digital skills; Poland; rural; urban; youth
This paper was supported by the TRACK-IN - Public employment services tracking effectiveness in supporting rural NEETs. This project is funded by Iceland, Liechtenstein and Norway through the EEA and Norway Grants Fund for Youth Employment.
en
This article explores the level of digital competence of young people in Poland, with the indirect aim being to show the differences in the level of digital competence for adolescents living in rural and urban areas. The research covered a sample of 985 respondents, from 11–18 years old, from Poland. The research was carried out within the EU Kids Online network. The survey tool related to the assessment of digital competences covered issues of installation of software on mobile devices, configuration of internet access as pertains to confidential information, information security awareness, management of information downloaded from the internet, configuration of social networks, e-shopping, verification of costs related to the use of additional software, advanced information search, checking the reliability of information, and editing online content. Descriptive statistics, k-means cluster analysis, one-way analysis of variance (non-parametric test), and correlations were used to show the differences between rural and urban adolescents in the indicated areas. The collected data offer several postulates for education and education policy, being not only diagnostic but also implementational. Based on the analysis of the data, it was noted that: (a) Eleven areas related to basic digital competence strongly differentiate between urban and rural young people; (b) rural young people rate their own digital competence lower than urban young people do; (c) a small percentage of young people from both rural and urban areas have low digital competence; (d) one well-developed area of key competence does not always co-occur with another well-developed area; and (e) the style of using new media among rural and urban young people is similar.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/3630
2021-03-02T04:49:35Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/3630
2021-03-02T04:49:35Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 9, No 1 (2021): The 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development: Transformative Change through Sustainable Development Goals?; 164-175
Scientific Knowledge Integration and the Implementation of the SDGs: Comparing Strategies of Sustainability Networks
Zeigermann, Ulrike; Department for Political Science, University of Magdeburg, Germany
2021-02-26 03:32:42
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/3630
expertise; global actor networks; knowledge integration; knowledge networks; SDG; sustainable development; sustainability governance
en
Although there is a broad agreement on the importance of scientific knowledge for the implementation of the Sustainable Development Goals, high levels of uncertainty and debate about what counts as knowledge challenge the use of research for political decision-making. Hence, the question arises, which strategies of scientific knowledge integration are adopted by science-based actor-networks that seek to enhance evidence in sustainability governance. In this article, I study the Sustainable Development Solution Network (SDSN) engaged in different institutional settings and policy fields. With a qualitative document analysis, I compare the overall structure, objectives, thematic focus, formal knowledge processes, and outputs of 22 national sub-networks of the global SDSN in order to elucidate how these initiatives integrate contested sustainability knowledge underpinning the implementation of the 2030 Agenda. My findings suggest that most SDSNs adopt solution-oriented knowledge integration strategies but also that networks in countries with better overall SDG performance tend to adopt assessment-oriented and learning-oriented strategies. In reflecting on these results in the context of the current literature on knowledge integration in sustainability governance, I argue that science–policy interfaces are shaped by the intentional and dynamic interactions of actors within their institutional setting and policy environment, and propose pathways for further research.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/7858
2023-12-19T16:12:23Z
politicsandgovernance:EDI
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/7858
2023-12-19T16:12:23Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 11, No 4 (2023): Economic Security and the Politics of Trade and Investment Policy in Europe; 122-128
Economic Security and the Politics of Trade and Investment Policy in Europe
Rosén, Guri; Oslo Business School, Oslo Metropolitan University, Norway
Meunier, Sophie; Princeton School of Public and International Affairs, Princeton University, USA
2023-11-29 09:19:54
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/7858
anti-globalization backlash; economic security; European Union; geoeconomics; investment; trade
Facing recent global disruptions brought about by the COVID-19 pandemic, the war in Ukraine, climate change, and the race for raw materials and technology needed for the green transition, economic interdependence—not least unilateral dependence—has increasingly come to be seen as a security threat. In response, the EU has put resilience and strategic autonomy at the centre of its trade and investment agenda. The EU was long resistant to this geoeconomic turn, that is, the use of economic tools for geopolitical purposes in normal times. Since 2017, however, the EU has placed greater emphasis on identifying and mitigating the security vulnerabilities that accrue from open markets. This geoeconomic turn has culminated in the June 2023 release of the European Commission’s Economic Security Strategy, which aims to maximise the benefits of economic openness while minimising the risks from economic interdependence. The aim of this thematic issue is to analyse the foundations of this new European focus on economic security and, more specifically, on the increased use of geoeconomic instruments. Coming at this objective from a variety of disciplinary traditions, methodologies, and substantive focus, our contributors tackle, among others, the following questions: Why has the EU abandoned its reluctance to use geoeconomics and finally made the switch towards economic security? How does the EU’s approach compare with other major global players? And, what are the long-term implications of the EU’s economic security strategy for European integration, its relationship with partners and allies, and the global economic order?
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/2155
2019-10-08T05:09:29Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/2155
2019-10-08T05:09:29Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 7, No 3 (2019): Rethinking Representation: Representative Claims in Global Perspective; 189-198
Anti-Corruption Movement: A Story of the Making of the Aam Admi Party and the Interplay of Political Representation in India
Chowdhury, Aheli; Delhi School of Economics, University of Delhi, India
2019-09-24 08:44:36
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/2155
Aam Admi Party; India; India Against Corruption; Janlokpal; political representation; populism
EHESS, France
en
The Aam Admi Party (AAP; Party of the Common Man) was founded as the political outcome of an anti-corruption movement in India that lasted for 18 months between 2010–2012. The anti-corruption movement, better known as the India Against Corruption Movement (IAC), demanded the passage of the Janlokpal Act, an Ombudsman body. The movement mobilized public opinion against corruption and the need for the passage of a law to address its rising incidence. The claim to eradicate corruption captured the imagination of the middle class, and threw up several questions of representation. The movement prompted public and media debates over who represented civil society, who could claim to represent the ‘people’, and asked whether parliamentary democracy was a more authentic representative of the people’s wishes vis-à-vis a people’s democracy where people expressed their opinion through direct action. This article traces various ideas of political representation within the IAC that preceded the formation of the AAP to reveal the emergence of populist representative democracy in India. It reveals the dynamic relationship forged by the movement with the media, which created a political field that challenged liberal democratic principles and legitimized popular public perception and opinion over laws and institutions.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/4886
2022-05-18T12:52:04Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/4886
2022-05-18T12:52:04Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 10, No 2 (2022): Developing Countries and the Crisis of the Multilateral Order; 15-24
Twenty-First Century Military Multilateralism: “Messy” and With Unintended Consequences
Olsen, Gorm Rye; Department of Social Science and Business, Roskilde University, Denmark
2022-04-21 10:26:27
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/4886
Afghanistan; conflict management; Iraq; Mali; multilateralism; terrorism; West Africa
en
The current century has witnessed several high-profile Western military interventions in developing countries: Afghanistan, Iraq, and Mali/West Africa are well-known examples. All three were initiated unilaterally by the US or France but were soon supplemented with multilateral missions which operated in parallel with the unilateral intervention force, giving them a “messy” appearance. In the three cases, the foreign policy decision-makers in the US and France reacted mainly to domestic stimuli, most evidently in the case of the US, where revenge for 9/11 was a strong motive. Like-minded partners in NATO and troops from developing countries shared the burdens of the US and France and gave legitimacy to the military interventions. The consequences of the interventions were not that they contributed to stability. Rather they supported the incumbent elites, as they were able to avoid launching economic and political reform. The lack of reform undermined the prospects for stability.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/3077
2020-12-17T09:59:55Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/3077
2020-12-17T09:59:55Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 8, No 4 (2020): The Politics of Disaster Governance; 375-385
Informal Disaster Governance
Duda, Patrizia Isabelle; Institute for Risk and Disaster Reduction, University College London, UK / University of Agder, Norway
Kelman, Ilan; Institute for Risk and Disaster Reduction, University College London, UK / University of Agder, Norway / Institute for Global Health, University College London, UK
Glick, Navonel; Institute for Risk and Disaster Reduction, University College London, UK
2020-12-10 05:23:33
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/3077
Arctic; climate change; disaster governance; disaster risk reduction; policy change
Research Council of Norway
en
Scholars and practitioners are increasingly questioning formal disaster governance (FDG) approaches as being too rigid, slow, and command-and-control driven. Too often, local realities and non-formal influences are sidelined or ignored to the extent that disaster governance can be harmed through the efforts to impose formal and/or political structures. A contrasting narrative emphasises so-called bottom-up, local, and/or participatory approaches which this article proposes to encapsulate as Informal Disaster Governance (IDG). This article theorises IDG and situates it within the long-standing albeit limited literature on the topic, paying particular attention to the literature’s failure to properly define informal disaster risk reduction and response efforts, to conceptualise their far-reaching extent and consequences, and to consider their ‘dark sides.’ By presenting IDG as a framework, this article restores the conceptual importance and balance of IDG vis-à-vis FDG, paving the way for a better understanding of the ‘complete’ picture of disaster governance. This framework is then considered in a location where IDG might be expected to be more powerful or obvious, namely in a smaller, more isolated, and tightly knit community, characteristics which are stereotypically used to describe island locations. Thus, Svalbard in the Arctic has been chosen as a case study, including its handling of the 2020 Covid-19 pandemic, to explore the merits and challenges with shifting the politics of disaster governance towards IDG.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/6767
2023-08-31T10:41:06Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/6767
2023-08-31T10:41:06Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 11, No 3 (2023): Publics in Global Politics; 213-225
Public Legitimation by “Going Personal”? The Ambiguous Role of International Organization Officials on Social Media
Ecker-Ehrhardt, Matthias; Käte Hamburger Kolleg/Centre for Global Cooperation Research (KHK/GCR21), University of Duisburg‐Essen, Germany
2023-08-31 10:48:05
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/6767
digital diplomacy; echo chambers; emotional labor; global publics; international organizations; self‐legitimation; social media
en
International organizations increasingly use social media to target citizens with an abundance of content, which tends to stylize officials across ranks as the “personal face” of institutional processes. Such practices suggest a new degree of access to the every day of multilateralism that has traditionally taken place on camera and with the aid of diplomatic discretion. What is more, in these practices the intuitive truth of images on social media often blends with a more credible expression of emotional states—such as enthusiasm, sympathy, anger, or shame—which facilitates the legitimation of international organizations as credible agents of shared values and norms. At the same time, however, such personalization arguably suggests a problematic dependency on the credible conduct of international organization officials as it might undermine institutional claims to depersonalized “rational-legal” authority in international politics and local arenas of implementation alike. Also, it aggravates existing problems of decoupling action in global governance from its political symbolism, because international organizations use social media by and large to communicate “top-down,” despite claiming a more personal mode of communication among peers. To illustrate this argument, the article takes on content shared by leading officials of the UN, the IMF, the WHO, and the WTO on Twitter.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/4336
2021-10-06T06:07:57Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/4336
2021-10-06T06:07:57Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 9, No 3 (2021): Climate Governance and the European Green Deal in Turbulent Times; 360-369
Energy Security in Turbulent Times Towards the European Green Deal
Christou, Odysseas; Department of Law, University of Nicosia, Cyprus
2021-09-30 09:53:10
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/4336
energy; Energy Union; European Green Deal; governance; policy; security; turbulence
en
This article presents a theoretical approach to energy security. It incorporates the concept of governing through turbulence as both a response to crisis onset and a source of long-term policy adaptation. The article applies this framework to an empirical analysis of the energy and climate policy of the EU through a review of policy documents in the period between 1995 and 2020. The article presents the evolution in the conceptualization of energy security in EU policy from a narrow definition restricted to characteristics of energy supply to an expanded conception that integrates additional elements from associated policy areas. The article argues that the European Green Deal represents the culmination of this process and concludes that the convergence of energy and climate policy objectives reinforces the trend towards the widened conceptual scope of energy security.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/1056
2018-12-12T07:20:33Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/1056
2018-12-12T07:20:33Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 5, No 3 (2017): EU Institutional Politics of Secrecy and Transparency in Foreign Affairs; 75-86
Allies in Transparency? Parliamentary, Judicial and Administrative Interplays in the EU’s International Negotiations
Abazi, Vigjilenca; Centre for European Research in Maastricht, Maastricht University, The Netherlands
Adriaensen, Johan; Centre for European Research in Maastricht, Maastricht University, The Netherlands
2017-09-25 09:15:52
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/1056
access to information; EU; European Union; negotiations; oversight; transparency
en
International negotiations are an essential part of the European Union’s (EU) external affairs. A key aspect to negotiations is access to and sharing of information among the EU institutions involved as well as to the general public. Oversight of negotiations requires insight into the topics of negotiation, the positions taken and the strategies employed. Concurrently, however, some space for confidentiality is necessary for conducting the negotiations and defending EU interests without fully revealing the limit negotiating positions of the EU to the negotiating partner. Hence, attaining a balance between the necessities of oversight and confidentiality in negotiations is the subject of a dynamic debate between the EU institutions. This paper provides a joint analysis on EU oversight institutions’ position on transparency in international negotiations. We set out to answer whether parliamentary, judicial and administrative branches of oversight are allies in pursuing the objectives of transparency but also examine when their positions diverge.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/2713
2020-05-28T04:51:34Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
ec_fundedresources
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/2713
2020-05-28T04:51:34Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 8, No 2 (2020): Fighting Corruption in the Developed World: Dimensions, Patterns, Remedies; 167-179
Corruption Risks in Renewable Resource Governance: Case Studies in Iceland and Romania
Gisladottir, Johanna; Faculty of Political Science, University of Iceland, Iceland / Institute of Earth Science, University of Iceland, Iceland
Sigurgeirsdottir, Sigurbjörg; Faculty of Political Science, University of Iceland, Iceland
Stjernquist, Ingrid; Department of Physical Geography, Stockholm University, Sweden
Ragnarsdottir, Kristin Vala; Institute of Earth Science, University of Iceland, Iceland
2020-05-28 04:39:59
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/2713
anti-corruption; corruption; enforcement mechanisms; governance; monitoring; natural resources; renewable resources
This research was funded by the European Union’s Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme under the Marie Skłodowska-Curie Innovative Training Network
en
In this research, we attempt to shed light on the question of where corruption risks in the governance of renewable resources are located and how they have been addressed in European countries that have different levels of corruption. A comparative case study design was chosen, looking into the fisheries sector in Iceland and the forestry sector in Romania. We conducted 25 semi-structured interviews with various stakeholders sampled through a snowball method. Qualitative coding and systems analysis were used to analyse the interviews. The results indicate that comprehensive and ambitious legislation does not necessarily translate into successful resource governance systems. In general, the institutions that were put in place to enforce and monitor the legal codes and regulations did not have the capacity to carry out their role. Additionally, interviewees were generally found to have a widespread perception of there being a corrupt relationship between politics and big companies operating in their sectors. Our findings suggest that when people hold such perceptions, it undermines anti-corruption policy efforts in the resource sectors, which can then impede sustainable resource management.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/93
2023-12-27T09:01:52Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/93
2023-12-27T09:01:52Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 1, No 1 (2013): Multidisciplinary Studies in Politics and Governance; 32-47
Forecasting Stability or Retreat in Emerging Democratic Regimes
Dewal, Snigdha; School of Public Policy, George Mason University, 3351 Fairfax Drive, 5th Floor, MS 3B1, Arlington, VA 22201, USA
Goldstone, Jack A.; School of Public Policy, George Mason University, 3351 Fairfax Drive, 5th Floor, MS 3B1, Arlington, VA 22201, USA
Russian Presidential Academy of National Economy and Public Administration, Vernadskogo prospect 82, 119571 Moscow, Russia
Volpe, Michael; School of Public Policy, George Mason University, 3351 Fairfax Drive, 5th Floor, MS 3B1, Arlington, VA 22201, USA
2013-05-06 00:00:00
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/93
conflict; cooperation; democracy; elites; institutions; opposition; stability; violence
en
Drawing on the literatures on elite transitions, factionalism and the new institutionalism, this paper hypothesizes that the stability of partially democratic and emerging democratic regimes is dependent on the willingness of elites to make credible commitments to cooperate and comply with democratic rules. That willingness (or lack thereof) can be signaled by the presence of cooperative or conflict-precipitating events and actions in the periods around elections. We identify and analyze a variety of intra-elite interactions and demonstrate that conflict-precipitating events significantly increase the odds of a democratic retreat in the months before or just after an election, while cooperative events can balance them and prevent retreat. Using event data collected from 40 low- and middle-income countries for two-year periods around national elections between 1991 and 2007 we show that the imbalance of conflict-precipitating over cooperative events is far greater in cases of retreat from democracy. Furthermore, international intervention and pressure had a negative relationship with democratic stability. A logistic regression model accurately identified democratic retreat in 79 percent of the cases examined. Factor analysis revealed several common patterns of intra-elite conflict that can lead to democratic retreat, or conversely, patterns of cooperative events that bolster democratic consolidation. Finally, the data strongly argues for a model of democratic development that depends on open-ended elite maneuvering and the emergence of elite agreements, rather than a model where strong prior institutional constraints determine elite actions.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/5723
2023-01-02T12:53:18Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/5723
2023-01-02T12:53:18Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 10, No 4 (2022): Negative Politics: Leader Personality, Negative Campaigning, and the Oppositional Dynamics of Contemporary Politics; 361-373
Do Leader Evaluations (De)Mobilize Voter Turnout? Lessons From Presidential Elections in the United States
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/download/5723/38914
Harsgor, Liran; School of Political Science, University of Haifa, Israel
Nevitte, Neil; Department of Political Science, University of Toronto, Canada
2022-12-30 09:28:01
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/5723
leader evaluations; mobilization; presidentialization; turnout; US elections
en
Do evaluations of presidential candidates in the US affect the level of voter turnout? Voters’ affections towards presidential candidates, we contend, can either stimulate or inhibit voter inclinations to turnout. Voters are more inclined to turn out when they have positive feelings towards the candidate with which they identify because they want “their” candidate to win. But citizens may also be more likely to vote when they dislike the candidate of the party with which they do not identify. In that case, voters are motivated to prevent the candidate from being elected. Utilizing the American National Election Studies data for 1968–2020, the analysis finds that the likelihood of voting is affected by (a) the degree to which voters’ affections towards the candidate differ from one another (having a clear‐cut choice between options) and (b) the nature of the affections (negative or positive) towards both in‐ and out‐party candidates.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/1169
2018-12-12T07:20:34Z
politicsandgovernance:COM
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/1169
2018-12-12T07:20:34Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 6, No 1 (2018): Co-Producing Urban Governance for Social Innovation; 199-202
Governance Lessons from Urban Informality
Sarmiento, Hugo; Department of Urban Planning, University of California, USA
Tilly, Chris; Department of Urban Planning, University of California, USA
2018-04-03 04:44:25
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/1169
bottom-up; counter-planning; governance; informal economy; informality; radicalism; social movements; top-down; urban planning
en
We locate this issue’s papers on a spectrum of radicalism. We then examine that spectrum, and the governance mechanisms described, through the lens of a significant arena of urban counter-planning: the urban informal economy. Drawing on our own research on self-organization by informal workers and settlers, as well as broader literatures, we suggest useful lessons for reinventing urban governance.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/4033
2021-08-03T14:09:14Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/4033
2021-08-03T14:09:14Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 9, No 3 (2021): Resilient Institutions: The Impact of Rule Change on Policy Outputs in European Union Decision-Making Processes; 16-28
For Farmers or the Environment? The European Parliament in the 2013 CAP Reform
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/download/4033/29666
Gravey, Viviane; School of History, Anthropology, Philosophy and Politics, Queen’s University Belfast, UK
Buzogány, Aron; Institute of Forest, Environmental and Natural Resource Policy, University of Natural Resources and Life Sciences, Austria
2021-07-30 10:16:42
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/4033
Common Agricultural Policy; European Parliament; environment; greening; Lisbon Treaty; policy ambition
en
The Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) was the last policy field to be placed under the Ordinary Legislative Procedure and its 2013 reform was the first to be decided under this rule. This article analyses how rule changes following the Lisbon Treaty have shaped policy outcomes related to ‘greening,’ i.e., making agricultural policy more environmentally friendly. Measuring the policy ambitions of amendments during the different phases of the legislative process (the processing phase within the Parliament and the negotiating phase during trilogues), we find that the European Parliament weakened the Commission’s greening proposals—but did so to support an alternative greening agenda built on different policy instruments. This means that rule change has altered the power balance between the institutions, making the Commission more dependent on the European Parliament. In the 2013 reform, this new balance of power came at the cost of greening the CAP.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/829
2018-12-12T07:20:31Z
politicsandgovernance:EDI
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/829
2018-12-12T07:20:31Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 4, No 4 (2016): Disaster Policies and Governance: Promoting Community Resilience; 58-61
Disaster Policies and Governance: Promoting Community Resilience
Kapucu, Naim; School of Public Administration, University of Central Florida, USA
Sadiq, Abdul-Akeem; School of Public and Environmental Affairs, Indiana University–Purdue University Indianapolis, USA
2016-12-28 02:49:33
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/829
collaborative governance; community resilience; disaster resilience; politics; whole community
en
This brief editorial introduction highlights the importance of policies and effective governance for disaster resilience including communities, individuals, institutions, and organizations through the execution of deliberate choice and collective action. Effective facilitation of development and implementation of disaster policies can lead to more resilient communities in the aftermath of disasters. The success of design, development, and execution of disaster resilience policies require engagement of the “whole community”.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/2468
2020-03-05T05:24:50Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/2468
2020-03-05T05:24:50Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 8, No 1 (2020): Leadership, Populism and Power; 171-181
The People’s Champ: Doug Ford and Neoliberal Right-Wing Populism in the 2018 Ontario Provincial Election
Budd, Brian; Department of Political Science, University of Guelph, Canada
2020-03-05 04:33:43
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/2468
Canada; neoliberalism; political leadership; populism; right-wing politics
Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada; University of Guelph
en
The 2018 Ontario provincial election marked a decisive shift in the political direction of Canada’s most populous province. The election brought an end to the long reign of the Ontario Liberal Party (2003–2018), whose government devolved into a series of scandals that resulted in a third-place finish. The Liberal’s defeat came at the hands of the Progressive Conservative Party led by former Toronto city councillor, Doug Ford. The Progressive Conservative’s victory was propelled on the back of Ford’s deeply populist campaign where he promised to reassert the interests of ‘the people,’ expel the influence of elites and special interests, and clean up government corruption. This campaign discourse led many political opponents and media pundits to accuse Ford of importing the nativist, xenophobic, and divisive rhetoric of other radical right-wing populist leaders. This article advances the argument that rather than representing the importation of ‘Trumpism’ or other types of radical right-wing populism, Ford’s campaign is better understood within the tradition of Canadian populism defined by an overarching ideological commitment to neoliberalism. In appealing to voters, Ford avoided the nativist and xenophobic rhetoric of populist leaders in the United States and Western Europe, offering a conception of ‘the people’ using an economic and anti-cosmopolitan discourse centred upon middle class taxpayers. This article makes a contribution to both the literatures on Canadian elections and populism, demonstrating the lineage of Ford’s ideological commitment to populism within recent Canadian electoral history, as well as Ford’s place within the international genealogy of right-wing populism.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/5536
2022-11-02T09:12:54Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/5536
2022-11-02T09:12:54Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 10, No 4 (2022): Gender and Illiberalism in Post-Communist Europe; 108-120
On Gender and Illiberalism: Lessons From Slovak Parliamentary Debates
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/download/5536/39702
Zvada, Ľubomír; Department of Politics and European Studies, Palacký University Olomouc, Czechia
2022-10-31 11:06:52
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/5536
gender; illiberalism; narratives; parliamentary debates; political discourse; qualitative content analysis; Slovak politics
Palacký University; the grant entitled OP VVV- CZ.02.2.69/0.0/0.0/19_073/0016713.
en
This study offers a comprehensive, in-depth analysis of Slovak illiberal anti-gender parliamentary discourse based on a unique dataset consisting of 85 parliamentary speeches. It presents who the main actors are in terms of the illiberal anti-gender discourse in Slovakia and which narratives they postulate. It also considers if there is any variation in the identified narratives. The qualitative content analysis covered several critical anti-gender narratives in the rhetoric of illiberal parties. I argue that the occurrence and range of anti-gender narratives within the Slovak parliamentary illiberal discourse are diverse, and this diversity varies in the ideological background of the analysed parties. While some of the more traditional Christian conservative parties, such as the KDH, and new populist parties such as OĽaNO or Sme Rodina, have articulated gender primarily as a threat to Slovak Catholics, Christianity, traditional marriage, and families, others like the nationally conservative-oriented SNS or the Smer-SD have stressed the loss of national sovereignty and legal aspects around the Istanbul Convention, and utilized this topic to strengthen their Eurosceptic rhetoric. Finally, the far-right K-ĽSNS has used an eclectic approach combining all found anti-gender narratives while using the most abusive language towards transgender persons and other sexual minorities.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/3892
2021-05-03T06:40:01Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
ec_fundedresources
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/3892
2021-05-03T06:40:01Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 9, No 2 (2021): Is There a New Climate Politics? Emergency, Engagement and Justice; 100-111
Just Adapt: Engaging Disadvantaged Young People in Planning for Climate Adaptation
Davies, Anna R.; Department of Geography, School of Natural Sciences, Trinity College Dublin, Ireland
Hügel, Stephan; Department of Geography, School of Natural Sciences, Trinity College Dublin, Ireland
2021-04-28 03:52:20
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/3892
adaptation; climate change; education; Ireland; participation; young people
This project has received funding from the European Union's Horizon 2020 research and innovation program under the Marie Skłodowska‐Curie grant agreement No. 713567 and the financial support of Science Foundation Ireland (SFI) under Grant Number 13/RC/207
en
The visibility of young people in climate change debates has risen significantly since the inception of the Fridays for Future movement, but little is known about the diversity of positions, perspectives and experiences of young people in Ireland, especially with respect to climate change adaptation planning. To close this knowledge gap, this article first interrogates key emergent spaces of public participation within the arena of climate action in Ireland in order to identify the extent of young people’s participation and whether any specific consideration is given to disadvantaged groups. It then tests the impacts of workshops specifically designed to support disadvantaged young people’s engagement with climate change adaptation which were rolled out with a designated Delivering Equality of Opportunity in Schools school in inner-city Dublin, Ireland. We found limited attention to public participation in climate change adaptation planning generally, with even less consideration given to engaging young people from disadvantaged communities. However, positive impacts with respect to enhanced knowledge of climate change science and policy processes emerged following participation in the workshops, providing the bedrock for a greater sense of self-efficacy around future engagement with climate action amongst the young people involved. We conclude that what is needed to help ensure procedural justice around climate action in Ireland are specific, relevant and interactive educational interventions on the issue of climate change adaptation; interventions which are sensitive to matters of place and difference.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/7348
2024-02-14T10:33:23Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/7348
2024-02-14T10:33:23Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 12 (2024): From Kabul to Kyiv: The Crisis of Liberal Interventionism and the Return of War
The Russian War Against Ukraine and Its Implications for the Future of Liberal Interventionism
Geis, Anna; Institute of International Politics, Helmut Schmidt University, Germany
Schröder, Ursula; Institute for Peace Research and Security Policy at the University of Hamburg, Germany
2024-02-14 09:25:55
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/7348
liberal international order; liberal peacebuilding; multi-order world; peacekeeping; security force assistance; Russia; security sector reform; Ukraine; United Nations; war
Käte Hamburger Kolleg/Centre for Global Cooperation Research Duisburg
en
The Russian war against Ukraine has already had crucial implications for the future of liberal interventionism. Drawing on current debates in IR about the transformation of the global world order, the article outlines how processes of global reordering affect (liberal) interventionism at different scales. The article argues that what has become known as the liberal international order is in retreat, at the expense of liberal peace-oriented international interventions. At the same time, current geopolitical realignments appear to be dividing the world into new spheres of influence, pitting democracies against autocracies at the global level and within regional conflicts. However, when it comes to security interventions and peacekeeping, the emerging realities on the ground, where a growing number of actors with different agendas interact, are more complex than simplistic world-order narratives suggest. Using the cases of international peacekeeping and security assistance as examples, the article shows that in some current international intervention sites, the emerging “multi-order world” is characterised by complicated constellations of parallel external assistance offers and rapid shifts in allegiances that do not necessarily follow clear divisions between “authoritarian” and “liberal” forms of assistance. The article therefore does not confirm expectations of the emergence of a “new Cold War” and a new round of ideological competition between international systems.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/1091
2019-07-02T04:47:57Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/1091
2019-07-02T04:47:57Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 5, No 4 (2017): Labour Standards in a Global Environment; 6-18
The Impact of Labour Rights Commitments in EU Trade Agreements: The Case of Peru
Orbie, Jan; Centre for EU Studies, Department of Political Science, Ghent University, Belgium
Van den Putte, Lore; Centre for EU Studies, Department of Political Science, Ghent University, Belgium
Martens, Deborah; Centre for EU Studies, Department of Political Science, Ghent University, Belgium
2017-12-14 03:19:02
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/1091
agriculture; European Union; labour; Peru; sustainable development; trade
11.11.11. (Coalition of the Flemish North-South Movement); the National Research Foundation – Flanders (FWO).
en
While the inclusion of labour rights in European Union (EU) trade agreements has become an ‘unobjectionable norm’, analyses of their impact have been largely absent from the literature. This article aims to partly fill this gap in existing research by examining the impact of labour rights commitments in the EU–Peru–Colombia agreement, with particular reference to the agricultural sector in Peru. Following a brief background overview of labour rights in agriculture in Peru, we draw up the analytical framework for assessing the impact of these commitments. We discern three distinctive legal commitments and find that they are flexible and conservative, also compared to provisions in other EU trade agreements. Subsequently, we assess the impact of these commitments by analysing to what extent they are being upheld in practice. Empirical evidence from several sources, including field research, shows that the Peruvian government has failed to implement the labour rights commitments in several respects. In the conclusions, we point to the cautious role of the EU, which has scope to monitor Peru’s labour rights compliance more proactively.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/4968
2022-06-24T09:41:17Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/4968
2022-06-24T09:41:17Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 10, No 2 (2022): Re-Visioning Borders: Europe and Beyond; 239-245
The Borders of the Law: Legal Fictions, Elusive Borders, Migrants’ Rights
Molinari, Caterina; Institute for European Law, KU Leuven, Belgium
2022-06-15 10:40:13
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/4968
bordering; border procedures; migrants’ rights; New Pact on Migration and Asylum; non-entry fiction
en
Bordering processes take place through different means and are carried out by different actors. Laws and regulatory activities have a prominent place among border-drawing instruments: Their capacity to mobilise actors, allocate funds, and determine procedures and remedies make them a formidable and multifaceted bordering tool. It is therefore not surprising to notice that EU institutions have heavily relied on regulatory tools when the need to resort to new bordering processes emerged in the aftermath of the so-called migration crisis. This article delves into a particular (re-)bordering process emerging from the legislative proposals attached to the Commission’s 2020 New Pact on Migration and Asylum: the attempt to uncouple the duty to fully respect and protect fundamental rights from the reality of migrants’ presence on national territory. This objective is pursued by the proposed legislative package through non-entry fictions, capable of untangling the legal notion of “border” from its physical reality for the purpose of immigration law (only). The analysis of the relevant provisions provides the reader with a number of insights into the transformation of EU borders. First, borders (as defined by the law) are subject to a peculiar legal regime. Secondly, the legal notion of borders is increasingly independent of its physical/geographical correspondence. Thirdly, legal border lines are not linked to any place on the ground, but rather follow irregular migrants as they move, confining them to areas of less law, no matter their location.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/577
2018-12-12T07:20:30Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/577
2018-12-12T07:20:30Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 4, No 2 (2016): New Approaches to Political Leadership; 54-67
Responsive to the People? Comparing the European Cognitive Maps of Dutch Political Leaders and their Followers
Van Esch, Femke; Utrecht School of Governance, Utrecht University, The Netherlands
Joosen, Rik; Utrecht School of Governance, Utrecht University, The Netherlands
van Zuydam, Sabine; Tilburg School of Politics and Public Administration, Tilburg University, The Netherlands
2016-06-23 11:15:34
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/577
cognitive mapping; credibility; European Union; narrative congruence; political leaders; responsiveness
en
Political leaders are often perceived as unresponsive to the daily concerns of citizens, especially when European integration is concerned. Academic research, however, provides at most mixed evidence for the existence of such a gap. This article tries to shed light on this discrepancy by introducing an alternative measure to study leaders’ responsiveness—narrative congruence—and explores the assumption that responsiveness increases leaders’ credibility in the eyes of their voters. As narrative congruence is a more intricate measure that captures leaders’ and followers’ policy preferences and argumentation, it may better capture the gap between their positions and therefore provide a more adequate explanation for citizens’ support for their leaders than traditional congruence measures like issue saliency and ideological distance. To provide a first test of this, the technique of cognitive mapping is introduced and used to explore the congruence in beliefs on European integration of four Dutch political leaders and their followers. Although the study finds a significant gap between some leaders and their followers’ narratives on Europe, it finds no evidence that this narrative congruence is related to the credibility of these leaders in the eyes of their followers.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/2082
2019-11-13T05:58:45Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/2082
2019-11-13T05:58:45Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 7, No 4 (2019): New Perspectives on Food Democracy; 165-177
Conflicts over GMOs and their Contribution to Food Democracy
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/download/2082/12091
Friedrich, Beate; Institute of Sustainability Governance, Leuphana University of Lüneburg, Germany
Hackfort, Sarah; IZT—Institute for Future Studies and Technology Assessment, Germany
Boyer, Miriam; Department of Agriculture and Food Policy, Faculty of Life Sciences, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, Germany
Gottschlich, Daniela; Institute for Diversity, Nature, Gender and Sustainability, Germany
2019-10-28 05:20:50
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/2082
agriculture; conflicts; food democracy; genetically modified organisms; new breeding techniques; social ecology; social movements; society–nature relations
en
The use of genetically modified organisms (GMOs) embodies a specific vision of agricultural systems that is highly controversial. The article focuses on how conflicts over GMOs contribute towards food democracy. Food democracy is defined as the possibility for all social groups to participate in, negotiate and struggle over how societies organize agricultural production, thereby ensuring that food systems fulfil the needs of people and sustain (re)productive nature into the future. EU agricultural policy envisages the coexistence of agricultural and food systems with and without GMOs. This policy, which on the surface appears to be a means of avoiding conflict, has in fact exacerbated conflict, while creating obstacles to the development of food democracy. By contrast, empirical analysis of movements against GMOs in Germany and Poland shows how they create pathways towards participation in the food system and the creation of alternative agricultural futures, thereby contributing to a democratization of food systems and thus of society–nature relations. Today, as products of new breeding techniques such as genome editing are being released, these movements are gaining new relevance.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/7250
2023-11-16T17:38:03Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/7250
2023-11-16T17:38:03Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 11, No 4 (2023): Comparative Fiscal Federalism and the Post-Covid EU: Between Debt Rules and Borrowing Power; 92-101
Clocks, Caps, Compartments, and Carve‐Outs: Creating Federal Fiscal Capacity Despite Strong Veto Powers
Donnelly, Shawn; Section of Public Administration, University of Twente, The Netherlands / Institute of Political Science, Leiden University, The Netherlands
2023-10-27 09:35:11
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/7250
budget politics; Canada; European Union; fiscal federalism; political economy; redistribution; state‐building; United States
en
This article examines four mechanisms for establishing federal spending programmes despite tough opposition based on identity or ideological politics, as well as disputes between haves and have-nots. It contrasts the use of clocks (time limits), caps, compartments (special justification for spending that would otherwise have been rejected), and carve-outs (exemptions to federal spending programmes to buy off objecting veto players) to secure political support for national-level programmes, and asks under what conditions those limits might be breached. We look at the EU, Canada, and the US. These tactics are most successful at “getting to yes” for federal authorities when they can isolate individual objections. As long as those objections persist, the limits will persist as well.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/3704
2021-02-02T09:18:11Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/3704
2021-02-02T09:18:11Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 9, No 1 (2021): What Brexit Means for Europe: EU Institutions and Actors after the British Referendum; 69-78
The Ordinary Legislative Procedure in a Post-Brexit EU: The Case of Social Europe
Copeland, Paul; School of Politics and International Relations, Queen Mary Univeristy of London, UK
2021-01-27 03:29:24
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/3704
Community Method; intergovernmentalism; ordinary legislative procedure; post-Brexit; social Europe
en
This article assesses the political and power dynamics of the Ordinarily Legislative Procedure (OLP) in social Europe and the likely impact of the UK’s departure in the field for future integration. It provides a detailed analysis of the OLP in social Europe during two recent periods of integration in the field—the first Barroso Commission (2004–2009) and the Juncker Commission (2014–2019). It finds the dynamics of the OLP have shifted from intergovernmental deadlock during the Barroso Commission to the characteristics of a new intergovernmental core state power during the Juncker Commission, even though the policy area is not a core state power per se. Despite the use of qualified majority voting policy agreements can only be achieved when there is near unanimity support in the Council, the Commission remains a neutral broker, and the Parliament shifts its position to that of the Council. As a result, continued opposition to integration in social Europe by Northern and Eastern Members means the removal of UK political agency will have only a marginal impact on the slow and piecemeal approach to integration in the field.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/455
2018-12-12T07:20:30Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/455
2018-12-12T07:20:30Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 4, No 1 (2016): How Different Were the European Elections of 2014?; 83-103
Has Eurosceptic Mobilization Become More Contagious? Comparing the 2009 and 2014 EP Election Campaigns in The Netherlands and France
Meijers, Maurits; Hertie School of Governance, Germany
Rauh, Christian; Research Unit Global Governance, WZB Berlin Social Science Center, Germany
2016-02-29 10:08:11
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/455
EP elections; EU politicization; Euroscepticism; partisan mobilization
en
With the lingering Euro crisis, personalized competition for the Commission presidency, and a surge of Eurosceptic parties, the 2014 European Parliament elections took place against an unknown level of European Union politicization. How does this changing context affect the supply side of party competition on European issues in EP election campaigns? This article compares the 2014 and 2009 EP elections in two EU founding members with high electoral support for radical left and radical right Euroscepticism—France and the Netherlands. We study publically visible patterns of partisan mobilization in the written news media with semi-automated content analyses. The data indicate that visible party mobilization on EU issues was on average not significantly higher in 2014. While particularly mainstream and especially incumbent parties publically mobilize on European issues during both campaigns, the radical right’s mobilization efforts have become more visible during the 2014 elections. Examining the temporal dynamics within electoral campaigns, we show that the Eurosceptic fringes exhibit significant contagion effects on the mainstream parties, but that the extent of this contagion was surprisingly lower in the 2014 campaign. As a result, the increasing EU politicization between the 2009 and 2014 electoral contests has not resulted in an enhanced and more interactive supply of partisan debate about Europe.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/2133
2019-10-08T05:09:29Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/2133
2019-10-08T05:09:29Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 7, No 3 (2019): The Impact of Brexit on EU Policies; 83-92
The European Union and the Global Arena: In Search of Post-Brexit Roles
Smith, Michael; Department of Politics and International Studies, University of Warwick, UK
2019-09-16 03:12:43
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/2133
Brexit; European Union; external action; foreign policy; international roles; post-Brexit; transatlantic relations; United Kingdom
None
en
This article explores the issues faced by the EU in developing its international roles post-Brexit, using a combination of discursive analysis and role theory to investigate the development and performance of roles in a number of linked arenas. Central to this analysis is the assumption that whatever form Brexit takes, the EU and the UK will remain closely entangled, and thus that the post-Brexit role assumed by the UK will shape the evolution of EU external action. But a key task for analysis is to place the impact of Brexit into the array of wider forces affecting EU external action, and this is a key aim of the article. The article begins by exploring the discourses of globalism characteristic of UK and EU foreign policies, as focused by the debates about ‘global Britain’ and EU global strategy since 2015. It then introduces a simple framework for considering the roles conceived and performed by the EU, and their potential impact in the post-Brexit world. The article then considers three areas of EU external action, and the ways in which they might be shaped by a post-Brexit world: trade and development, transatlantic relations and security and defence policy. The conclusion discusses the implications of the cases, especially in relation to the conversion of discursive role constructs into performable roles—a problem central to EU external action—and concludes that whilst the impact of Brexit will be significant, it is likely to be less fundamental than the impact of the challenges faced by the EU in the global arena more broadly.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/4713
2022-02-22T10:35:12Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/4713
2022-02-22T10:35:12Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 10, No 1 (2022): Analyzing Citizen Engagement with European Politics Through Social Media; 220-229
Advocating for Platform Data Access: Challenges and Opportunities for Academics Seeking Policy Change
Dommett, Katharine; Department of Politics, University of Sheffield, UK
Tromble, Rebekah; School of Media & Public Affairs, George Washington University, USA / Institute for Data, Democracy & Politics, George Washington University, USA
2022-02-17 10:19:12
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/4713
advocacy; data access; non-academic engagement; platforms; policymakers
en
Independent researchers’ access to digital platform data is critical for our understanding of the online world; yet recent reflections have shown that data are not always readily available (Asbjørn Møller & Bechmann, 2019; Bruns, 2018; Tromble, 2021). In the face of platform power to determine data accessibility, academics can often feel powerless, but opportunities and openings can emerge for scholars to shape practice. In this article, we examine the potential for academics to engage with non-academic audiences in debates around increased data access. Adopting an autoethnographic approach, we draw on our personal experiences working with policymakers and digital platforms to offer advice for academics seeking to shape debates and advocate for change. Presenting vignettes that detail our experiences and drawing on existing scholarship on how to engage with non-academic audiences, we outline the opportunities and challenges in this kind of engagement with a view to guiding other scholars interested in engaging in this space.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/3311
2020-12-17T09:59:55Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/3311
2020-12-17T09:59:55Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 8, No 4 (2020): The Politics of Disaster Governance; 270-280
Disaster, Displacement and International Law: Legal Protections in the Context of a Changing Climate
Cullen, Miriam; Faculty of Law, University of Copenhagen, Denmark
2020-12-10 05:23:30
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/3311
climate change; disaster; displacement; international law; migration
Independent Research Fund Denmark
en
As the number of people displaced by disaster reaches record highs, this article describes how international law is relevant to disaster displacement, how refugee law is probably not the answer, and synthesises recent developments into contemporary application. New interpretations of international human rights law have advanced legal protections such that planning and preparedness to address future disasters now form an express component of states’ international legal obligations. At the same time, climate change is increasing the frequency and intensity of extreme weather events, exacerbating factors that cause disaster and displacement and rendering the effective implementation of international law more difficult. The further ‘othering’ of migrants during the Covid-19 pandemic could stymie the realisation of protections as national governments close borders, anti-immigration sentiment is stoked, and economies decline.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/6835
2023-11-16T17:37:35Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/6835
2023-11-16T17:37:35Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 11, No 3 (2023): United in Uniqueness? Lessons From Canadian Politics for European Union Studies; 241-250
Constitutional Abeyances: Reflecting on EU Treaty Development in Light of the Canadian Experience
Hurrelmann, Achim; Department of Political Science, Carleton University, Canada
2023-09-27 09:46:04
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/6835
Canada; constitutional abeyances; EU; historical institutionalism; institutional development
en
The concept of constitutional abeyances, originally proposed by Foley (1989), describes aspects of a political system that are left deliberately ambiguous. Foley suggests that the maintenance and management of such areas of “settled unsettlement” are indispensable to prevent and resolve conflict about a polity’s constitutional order. The concept of constitutional abeyances has been used productively to analyze constitutional development in Canada, especially the country’s constitutional crises in the 1980s and 1990s. However, with very few exceptions, it has not been applied to analyze the EU and its treaty development. This article leverages the comparison to Canada to argue that a focus on constitutional abeyances, and their successful or unsuccessful institutional reproduction, provides fresh perspectives for analyzing European integration, including insights into the emergence of the EU’s current crises and principles that might guide a political response.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/4416
2021-11-29T13:20:52Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/4416
2021-11-29T13:20:52Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 9, No 4 (2021): Right-Wing Populist Party Organisation Across Europe: The Survival of the Mass-Party?; 317-328
“Mass,” “Movement,” “Personal,” or “Cartel” Party? Fidesz’s Hybrid Organisational Strategy
Metz, Rudolf; Institute for Political Science, Centre for Social Sciences, Hungary / Department of Political Science, Institute of International, Political and Regional Studies, Corvinus University of Budapest, Hungary
Várnagy, Réka; Department of Political Science, Institute of International, Political and Regional Studies, Corvinus University of Budapest, Hungary
2021-11-24 10:02:38
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/4416
cartel parties; Fidesz; hybrid party strategies; mass parties; movement parties; personal parties
National Research, Development and Innovation Fund (PD 134685, K 128833)
en
In the last decade, Fidesz has dominated the Hungarian political landscape, becoming the most extensive Hungarian party organisation in terms of party members, structuration, resources, and influence. The party’s organisational development has been determined by a constant strategic adaptation to new circumstances of political reality and new demands of the electorate. The article argues that in three phases of its development, Fidesz adopted different party organisation guidelines. As a result, a hybrid party architecture was formed involving various characteristics and strategies of mass parties (e.g., relatively large membership and ideological communication), movement parties (i.e., top-down generation of mass rallies and protest activities), personal parties (i.e., personalisation, centralisation of party leadership), and cartel parties (i.e., use of state resources, control over party competition). Instead of switching from one strategy to another, the party often used these strategies simultaneously. This flexible party organisation can balance among the different needs of effective governance, constant mobilisation, and popular sovereignty. The article aims to dissect these building blocks of Fidesz to gain insight into the emergence of the hybrid party model.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/192
2023-12-27T08:56:40Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/192
2023-12-27T08:56:40Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 3, No 2 (2015): Multidisciplinary Studies in Politics and Governance; 34-50
Drawing Lessons When Objectives Differ? Assessing Renewable Energy Policy Transfer from Germany to Morocco
Steinbacher, Karoline; Environmental Policy Research Centre (Forschungszentrum für Umweltpolitik), Freie Universität Berlin, Germany
2015-05-12 05:42:52
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/192
diffusion; Energiewende; energy transition; Germany; Morocco; policy transfer; policy objectives; renewable energy
en
Given the tremendous energy challenges Morocco faces, and its potential role as an exporter of green electricity to Europe, the country has been particularly targeted by Germany’s efforts to promote the uptake of renewable energies abroad. This paper explores whether ideas and policies in the field of renewable energy effectively traveled through transfer channels established between Germany and Morocco. In particular, the question of how Morocco’s policy objectives shaped the result of transfer processes is discussed, shedding light on a currently under-researched determinant for policy transfer. Drawing upon forty-five semi-structured interviews with Moroccan, German, and international stakeholders, as well as card-ranking exercises, the article provides first-hand insights into the dynamics and drivers of Morocco’s “energy transition”. Findings presented in the article show that differing policy objectives did not preclude the transfer of ideas between Germany and Morocco, but shaped its outcome with regard to policy instrument selection. While basic policy orientations in favour of renewable energies were facilitated by transferred knowledge, a perceived incompatibility between domestic policy objectives and the policy instruments used in the foreign model led to selective lesson-drawing from the German example. This finding underlines the importance for “senders” who wish to actively promote sustainable energy policies abroad to adapt outreach strategies to the policy objectives of potential followers.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/1835
2019-07-02T04:48:07Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/1835
2019-07-02T04:48:07Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 7, No 2 (2019): Aid Impact and Effectiveness; 53-67
The Impact of Foreign Aid on Maternal Mortality
Banchani, Emmanuel; Department of Sociology, Memorial University of Newfoundland, Canada
Swiss, Liam; Department of Sociology, Memorial University of Newfoundland, Canada
2019-06-05 05:11:02
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/1835
family planning; foreign aid; maternal mortality; Muskoka Initiative; reproductive health
Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada
en
In 2010, the G8 placed renewed focus on maternal health via the Muskoka Initiative by committing to spend an additional $5 billion on maternal, newborn, and child health before 2015. Following the end of the Millennium Development Goals and the advent of the Sustainable Development Goals, maternal health issues have continued to feature prominently on the global health agenda. Despite these substantial investments of foreign aid over the past decade, there is limited evidence on the effectiveness of foreign aid in reducing maternal mortality in low- and middle-income countries (LMICs). Using data from the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development, the World Development Indicators and the Institute of Health Metrics and Evaluation, this study analyzes the effects of aid on maternal health in a sample of 130 LMICs from 1996 through 2015. Our results show that the effects of total foreign aid on maternal mortality are limited, but that aid allocated to the reproductive health sector and directly at maternal health is associated with significant reductions in maternal mortality. Given these targeted effects, it is important to channel more donor assistance to the promotion of reproductive health and contraceptive use among women as it serves as a tool towards the reduction of maternal mortality.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/6397
2023-08-31T09:50:38Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
ec_fundedresources
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/6397
2023-08-31T09:50:38Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 11, No 2 (2023): Hate Speech, Demonization, Polarization, and Political Social Responsibility; 210-220
Southern European Journalists’ Perceptions of Discursive Menaces in the Age of (Online) Delegitimization
Blanco-Herrero, David; Department of Sociology and Communication, University of Salamanca, Spain
Splendore, Sergio; Department of Social and Political Sciences, University of Milan, Italy
Oller Alonso, Martín; Department of Social and Political Sciences, University of Milan, Italy
2023-05-17 09:19:44
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/6397
discursive menace; Greece; hate speech; Italy; journalists; legitimacy of journalism; Southern Europe; Spain
Ministry of Universities of Spain; Rights, Equality and Citizenship Program of the European Commission
en
In a new communication context, factors such as the rise of hate speech, disinformation, or a precarious financial and employment situation in the media have made discursive menaces gain increasing significance. Threats of this kind challenge the legitimacy of institutional news media and professional journalists. This article contributes to the existing literature on the legitimization of journalism and boundary work through a study that seeks to understand the perceptions of Southern European journalists of the threats that they encounter in their work and the factors that help explain them. To this end, a survey of 398 journalists in Spain, Italy, and Greece was conducted to learn what personal or professional factors influenced their views and experiences of discursive and non-discursive menaces. Results show that discursive threats, such as hateful or demeaning speech and public discrediting of one’s work, are the most frequent to the safety of journalists, while expressions of physical violence are less common. Younger and more educated journalists tended to perceive themselves as having been victims of discursive menaces more often, although not many significant differences were observed between different groups of journalists. Even though it could show a worrying trend, this finding can also indicate a growing awareness about menaces of this kind.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/2856
2021-01-18T05:47:15Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/2856
2021-01-18T05:47:15Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 8, No 3 (2020): Trans* Politics: Current Challenges and Contestations; 253-265
Redistribution and Recognition in Spanish Transgender Laws
Platero, R. Lucas; Social Psychology Department, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, Spain
2020-09-18 08:04:39
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/2856
policymaking; recognition; redistribution; Spain; transgender
Juan de la Cierva Founding; AFIN Research Group; Fractalidades de la Investigación Crítica Research Group
en
Since 2012, 16 laws granting rights to trans individuals have been passed in Spanish regions. How can we assess the quality of these laws? Do they all profoundly and positively transform trans people’s well-being? Do they tackle the economic marginalization of trans people? Do they have a symbolic impact? Using multidimensional criteria, I analyze trans-specific and LGBTI+ antidiscrimination policies to define trans-positivity in policymaking. This article uses feminist theory to judge this legislation’s value, contrasting that with the insights of activists and policymakers interviewed for this purpose. Benefiting from the discussion between Nancy Fraser (1995) and Judith Butler (1997), the quality of trans legislation can be assessed by looking at both cultural recognition and economic redistribution. In addition, following Andrea Krizsan and Emanuela Lombardo (2013), I also analyze these laws through the lens of empowerment and transformation. Having made the elusive relationship between sexuality and political economy in trans laws in Spain visible, I call for greater imagination to envisage other sorts of political actions for trans people.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/6375
2023-08-31T09:50:38Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/6375
2023-08-31T09:50:38Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 11, No 2 (2023): Hate Speech, Demonization, Polarization, and Political Social Responsibility; 198-209
“My Way or No Way”: Political Polarization and Disagreement Among Immigrant Influencers and Their Followers
Jaramillo-Dent, Daniela; Department of Communication and Media Research, Media Change, and Innovation Division, University of Zurich, Switzerland
2023-05-17 09:19:43
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/6375
debate; immigration; influencers; Instagram; platforms; political polarization; social media; TikTok; United States of America
en
This article explores the online discussions between Carlos and Lizzy, two Latin American immigrant influencers in the United States with profiles on TikTok and Instagram. The dataset comprises a 90-minute live debate between them, that took place on September 25th, 2021, broadcast on Instagram and available on one of the profiles, as well as 1200 comments by 933 different viewers, received during the broadcast. The analysis relies on previous research on polarization, deliberation, and disagreement on social media platforms and it provides insights regarding the political and ideological diversity that exists among immigrant influencers and their followers. It focuses on the discursive strategies deployed by these content creators to discuss issues related to immigration reform and activism from two distinct political stances. It also provides a glimpse into topics of interest for the immigrant community as reflected by these content creators and commenting followers. The findings reflect the value of the ongoing relationship between content creators and their followers in the personal support and acceptance Carlos receives. In contrast, Lizzy is largely rejected and attacked, but a few of her arguments resonate with viewers. Comments about the debate itself are mostly negative due to the perceived low quality of the arguments, the mocking attitude of both debaters, and the need for a moderator to control the times. Comments that are critical of the debate often describe expectations of a more civil discussion and pathways to improve future debates.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/1598
2019-07-02T04:47:59Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/1598
2019-07-02T04:47:59Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 6, No 3 (2018): Multidisciplinary Studies in Politics and Governance; 180-189
Disaster Risk Governance in Indonesia and Myanmar: The Practice of Co-Governance
Srikandini, Annisa Gita; Department of International Relations, Gadjah Mada University, Indonesia
Hilhorst, Dorothea; International Institute of Social Studies, Erasmus University Rotterdam, The Netherlands
Voorst, Roanne van; International Institute of Social Studies, Erasmus University Rotterdam, The Netherlands
2018-09-28 11:00:08
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/1598
disaster risk reduction; Indonesia; governance; Myanmar; Sendai Framework
en
This article discusses the discourse and practice of co-governance in disaster risk reduction (DRR). It is based on an extensive ethnographic study of DRR at global level and in two disaster-prone countries in Southeast Asia: Indonesia and Myanmar. These country cases were selected not only because of their similarly high vulnerability to disasters, but also because the overlaps and differences between them in disaster governance allowed for a comparative study of the impacts of co-governance in DRR. Indonesia is characterised by a longer history with democratic governance institutions and a largely national-led response to disasters; Myanmar has only started to develop DRR in the last 10 years, and its policies are still largely led by international actors. In both countries, disaster response has shifted from being top-down and state-centred to following a co-governance approach. This reflects a worldwide trend in DRR, the idea being that co-governance, where different state and non-state stakeholders are involved in governance networks, will lead to more inclusive and effective DRR. Our findings suggest that, in Myanmar and Indonesia, DRR has indeed become more inclusive. However, at the same time, we find that DRR in both countries has remained highly hierarchical and state-centred. Although the possible gains of encouraging future initiatives among different actors negotiating disaster response is under-explored, we find that, to date, the multiplication of actors involved in DRR, especially within the state, has led to an increasingly complex, competitive system that negatively affects the ability to conduct DRR.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/654
2018-12-12T07:20:31Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/654
2018-12-12T07:20:31Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 4, No 3 (2016): Climate Governance and the Paris Agreement; 172-187
Predicting Paris: Multi-Method Approaches to Forecast the Outcomes of Global Climate Negotiations
Sprinz, Detlef F.; PIK–Potsdam Institute for Climate Impact Research, Germany, and Faculty of Economic and Social Sciences, University of Potsdam, Germany
Bueno de Mesquita, Bruce; Department of Politics, New York University, USA
Kallbekken, Steffen; CICERO–Center for International Climate and Environmental Research—Oslo, Norway
Stokman, Frans; Department of Sociology, University of Groningen, The Netherlands
Sælen, Håkon; CICERO–Center for International Climate and Environmental Research—Oslo, Norway, and Department of Political Science, University of Oslo, Norway
Thomson, Robert; School of Government and Public Policy, University of Strathclyde, UK
2016-09-08 03:05:44
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/654
climate policy; climate regime; expert survey; forecasting; global negotiations; Paris agreement; prediction; simulation
en
We examine the negotiations held under the auspices of the United Nations Framework Convention of Climate Change in Paris, December 2015. Prior to these negotiations, there was considerable uncertainty about whether an agreement would be reached, particularly given that the world’s leaders failed to do so in the 2009 negotiations held in Copenhagen. Amid this uncertainty, we applied three different methods to predict the outcomes: an expert survey and two negotiation simulation models, namely the Exchange Model and the Predictioneer’s Game. After the event, these predictions were assessed against the coded texts that were agreed in Paris. The evidence suggests that combining experts’ predictions to reach a collective expert prediction makes for significantly more accurate predictions than individual experts’ predictions. The differences in the performance between the two different negotiation simulation models were not statistically significant.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/2553
2021-02-17T10:19:01Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/2553
2021-02-17T10:19:01Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 8, No 1 (2020): Political Behavior in the EU Multi-Level System; 72-84
Candidate Selection and Parliamentary Activity in the EU’s Multi-Level System: Opening a Black-Box
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/download/2553/15551
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/download/2553/25392
Euchner, Eva-Maria; Geschwister-Scholl Institute for Political Science, LMU Munich, Germany
Frech, Elena; Department of Political Science and International Relations, University of Geneva, Switzerland
2020-02-13 06:06:42
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/2553
candidate selection; European Parliament; multi-level system; principal–agent relationship; parliamentary activity
Swiss National Science Foundation; Ludwig-Maximilians-University Munich;
en
Members of the European Parliament (MEPs) have a multitude of parliamentary duties and, accordingly, have to prioritize some parliamentary activities over others. So far, we know comparably little about this prioritization process. Based on principal–agent theory, we argue first, that MEPs’ parliamentary activities are systematically determined by the “visibility” and usefulness of parliamentary instruments for their key principal; second, we expect the exclusiveness of candidate selection procedures of an MEP’s national party—the nomination and the final list placement—to determine her/his key principal (i.e., elites or members of national parties). Combining multi-level mixed effects linear regression models and expert interviews, we show that MEPs who are nominated and whose final list placement is decided by an exclusive circle of national party elites prioritize speeches, whereas MEPs who are nominated or whose final list placement is decided by more inclusive procedures prioritize written questions and opinions or reports. In other words, speeches seem particularly useful to communicate with national party elites, while other activities are used to serve larger groups of party members. These findings open up the black-box of the “national party principal” and illustrate how a complex principal–agent relationship stimulates very specific parliamentary activity patterns in the EU’s multi-level system.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/5462
2022-09-26T11:41:40Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/5462
2022-09-26T11:41:40Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 10, No 3 (2022): Exploring Climate Policy Ambition; 186-199
Emissions Lock-in, Capacity, and Public Opinion: How Insights From Political Science Can Inform Climate Modeling Efforts
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/download/5462/39301
Pianta, Silvia; RFF-CMCC European Institute on Economics and the Environment, Centro Euro‐Mediterraneo sui Cambiamenti Climatici, Italy / European University Institute, Italy
Brutschin, Elina; International Institute for Applied Systems Analysis, Austria
2022-09-21 11:00:54
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/5462
climate policy ambition; climate modeling; climate policymaking; climate politics; emissions lock-in; integrated assessment models; Paris Agreement; public opinion; public support; state capacity
European Union’s Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme under Grant Agreement 821471 (ENGAGE).
en
The implementation of ambitious climate policies consistent with the goals of the Paris Agreement is fundamentally influenced by political dynamics. Yet, thus far, climate mitigation pathways developed by integrated assessment models (IAMs) have devoted limited attention to the political drivers of climate policymaking. Bringing together insights from the political science and socio-technical transitions literature, we summarize evidence on how emissions lock-in, capacity, and public opinion can shape climate policy ambition. We employ a set of indicators to describe how these three factors vary across countries and regions, highlighting context-specific challenges and enablers of climate policy ambition. We outline existing studies that incorporate political factors in IAMs and propose a framework to employ empirical data to build climate mitigation scenarios that incorporate political dynamics. Our findings show that there is substantial heterogeneity in key political drivers of climate policy ambition within IAM regions, calling for a more disaggregated regional grouping within models. Importantly, we highlight that the political challenges and enablers of climate policy ambition considerably vary across regions, suggesting that future modeling efforts incorporating political dynamics can significantly increase the realism of IAM scenarios.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/4341
2021-05-03T06:40:01Z
politicsandgovernance:EDI
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/4341
2021-05-03T06:40:01Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 9, No 2 (2021): Is There a New Climate Politics? Emergency, Engagement and Justice; 1-7
Editorial: Is There a New Climate Politics?
Davies, Anna R.; Department of Geography, Trinity College Dublin, Ireland
Castán Broto, Vanesa; Urban Institute, University of Sheffield, UK
Hügel, Stephan; Department of Geography, Trinity College Dublin, Ireland
2021-04-28 03:52:15
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/4341
climate assemblies; climate change; climate emergency; climate politics; Green New Deal; just transition; youth movements
This project has received funding from the European Union's Horizon 2020 research and innovation program under the Marie Skłodowska-Curie grant agreement No. 713567, the financial support of Science Foundation Ireland (SFI) under Grant Number 13/RC/2077 a
en
Addressing climate change globally requires significant transformations of production and consumption systems. The language around climate action has shifted tangibly over the last five years to reflect this. Indeed, thousands of local governments, national governments, universities and scientists have declared a climate emergency. Some commentators argue that the emergency framing conveys a new and more appropriate level of urgency needed to respond to climate challenges; to create a social tipping point in the fight against climate change. Others are concerned to move on from such emergency rhetoric to urgent action. Beyond emergency declarations, new spaces of, and places for, engagement with climate change are emerging. The public square, the exhibition hall, the law courts, and the investors’ forum are just some of the arenas where climate change politics are now being negotiated. Emergent governing mechanisms are being utilised, from citizens’ assemblies to ecocide lawsuits. New social movements from Extinction Rebellion to Fridays For Future demonstrate heightened concern and willingness to undertake civil disobedience and protest against climate inaction. Yet questions remain which are addressed in this thematic issue: Are these discourses and spaces of engagement manifestations of a radical new climate politics? And if these are new climate politics, do they mark a shift of gear in current discourses with the potential to effect transformative climate action and support a just transition to a decarbonised world?
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/7357
2024-02-14T10:33:23Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/7357
2024-02-14T10:33:23Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 12 (2024): From Kabul to Kyiv: The Crisis of Liberal Interventionism and the Return of War
Global Fragmentation and Collective Security Instruments: Weakening the Liberal International Order From Within
Peter, Mateja; School of International Relations, University of St Andrews, UK
2024-02-14 09:25:55
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/7357
human protection; impartiality; liberal international order; mediation; moral authority; peacekeeping; peacemaking; UN
UK Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office
en
Collective instruments, such as UN peacekeeping or mediation, are a lens through which we can examine broader normative fault lines in the international order. They hold both practical and symbolic value. In the post-Cold War moment, these instruments started reflecting liberal values. They became concerned with balancing the rights of individuals and state sovereignty. These advances around “human protection” are now in question, with contestation perceived as emerging from non-Western powers. I contribute to the debates on the “pragmatic turn” within collective responses but contend that while the focus in current debates about the normative shift has become global fragmentation, the momentum for the de-prioritization of human protection within collective instruments comes from within the liberal order itself. Human protection is now a broadly shared and firmly entrenched norm, but to shield the norm from abuse, the collective international community progressively restricted any use of force to advance the norm within the instrument of UN peacekeeping. The co-optation of UN peacekeeping into counter-terrorism efforts and the introduction of stabilization mandates undermined the principled nature and moral authority of the instrument of peacekeeping itself. This, in turn, compromised the implementation of human protection. This development is now accelerated and exposed due to global fragmentation, influencing not just peacekeeping but also other adjacent activities, such as mediation.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/2090
2019-11-13T05:58:45Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/2090
2019-11-13T05:58:45Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 7, No 4 (2019): New Perspectives on Food Democracy; 8-20
Food Sharing Initiatives and Food Democracy: Practice and Policy in Three European Cities
Davies, Anna R.; School of Natural Sciences, Trinity College Dublin, Ireland
Cretella, Agnese; School of Natural Sciences, Trinity College Dublin, Ireland
Franck, Vivien; School of Natural Sciences, Trinity College Dublin, Ireland
2019-10-28 05:20:47
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/2090
community gardens; community kitchens; food democracy; food governance; food sharing; surplus food redistribution
European Research Council: Grant Agreement No 646883
en
Calls for greater food democracy in Europe have emerged as the limitations of urban food systems dominated by commercial organisations are documented, but little attention has been paid to how policy arrangements affect attempts to transition to more democratic food futures. This article examines food sharing initiatives—increasingly facilitated by the use of information and communication technologies—as a potential means to enhance urban food democracy, and explores the role of policy in shaping those practices in three European capital cities: Berlin, London, and Dublin. We pose two related questions: To what extent are diverse food sharing initiatives exemplars of food democracy, and to what extent do policy arrangements affect food sharing practices and the nature of any food democracy they might embody? Our empirical evidence demonstrates where the goals and impacts of food sharing initiatives align with key dimensions of food democracy. We also consider how food sharing initiatives—and any food democracy dimensions that they support—are affected by the policy environment in which they operate. The food sharing initiatives examined revealed to be agents of pro-democratic change, at least within the boundaries of their spheres of influence, despite policies rarely having their activities and aspirations in mind.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/5019
2022-05-23T10:56:30Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/5019
2022-05-23T10:56:30Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 10, No 2 (2022): Out With the Old, In With the New? Explaining Changing EU–US Relations; 154-164
“America is Back” or “America First” and the Transatlantic Relationship
Olsen, Gorm Rye; Department of Social Science and Business, Roskilde University, Denmark
2022-05-18 13:23:10
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/5019
Afghanistan; China; decision-makers; NATO; perceptions; Russia; Ukraine
en
The presidency of Donald Trump represented an unprecedented low point in transatlantic relations. When Joe Biden took power in early 2021, his administration launched several policy initiatives suggesting that the new administration would continue to allow the seemingly long-term weakening of the transatlantic relationship to continue. A significant part of the literature on recent developments in transatlantic relations points in the same direction, namely that a weakening of the cooperation across the Atlantic has taken place. This article proposes an alternative view, arguing that the relationship has strengthened in recent years despite Donald Trump and his erratic policy. The article applies a theoretical framework combining international as well as domestic variables. Based on an analysis of four cases—NATO, the US pivot to Asia, the sanctions policy towards Russia, and the Afghanistan debacle—it is concluded that the transatlantic relationship is strong.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/468
2018-12-12T07:20:30Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/468
2018-12-12T07:20:30Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 4, No 1 (2016): How Different Were the European Elections of 2014?; 116-129
Looking for the European Voter: Split-Ticket Voting in the Belgian Regional and European Elections of 2009 and 2014
Kelbel, Camille; CEVIPOL, Université Libre de Bruxelles, Belgium
Van Ingelgom, Virginie; F.R.S.–FNRS, ISPOLE, Université Catholique de Louvain, Belgium
Verhaegen, Soetkin; Centrum voor Politicologie, KU Leuven, Belgium
2016-02-29 10:10:55
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/468
economic voting; European elections; politicization; split-ticket voting
Université libre de Bruxelles; Université catholique de Louvain; KULeuven; F.R.S. - FNRS; PAI PartiRep
en
While European elections are often seen as remote from EU issues, considerations specifically linked to the EU came to the forefront in the wake of the 2014 European elections: the economic and financial crisis, the new process of designation of the European Commission President, and the alleged increase of Eurosceptic votes. This increased salience of political debates about the EU asks for a reconsideration of the ‘second-order nature’ of European elections. In this context, as in 2009, the Belgian electorate voted for the regional and European levels on the very same day. Belgian voters were thus offered the opportunity to split their ticket between both levels. This allows comparing the occurrence and determinants of these ‘immediate switching’ behaviours in 2014 with those of the presumably less politicized EP elections in 2009. We do that by employing the 2009 and 2014 PartiRep Election Study data. On the one hand, the article shows that split-ticket voting cannot be explained by economic voting, European identity, and attitudes towards integration in 2014. On the other hand, the unique configuration of the Belgian elections enables us to observe that the introduction of Spitzenkandidaten did enhance split-ticket voting for voters who could directly vote for this candidate (in Flanders), while this did not increase split-ticket voting among voters who could only indirectly support the candidate (in Wallonia).
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/2078
2019-11-13T05:58:45Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/2078
2019-11-13T05:58:45Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 7, No 4 (2019): New Perspectives on Food Democracy; 59-67
How Civil Servants Frame Participation: Balancing Municipal Responsibility With Citizen Initiative in Ede’s Food Policy
van de Griend, Joëlla; Rural Sociology Group, Wageningen University, The Netherlands
Duncan, Jessica; Rural Sociology Group, Wageningen University, The Netherlands
Wiskerke, Johannes S. C.; Rural Sociology Group, Wageningen University, The Netherlands
2019-10-28 05:20:48
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/2078
civil servants; food democracy; non-governmental actors; participation; urban food policy
en
Contemporary governance is marked by increased attention for participation of non-governmental actors (NGAs) in traditionally governmental activities, such as policy-making. This trend has been prevalent across food policy processes and reflects a key feature of food democracy. However, the role of governmental actors in facilitating and responding to this participation remains a gap in the literature. In this article, we ask how civil servants frame the participation of NGAs in policy processes. Drawing on ethnographic research, we introduce the case of civil servants working on an urban food policy for the municipality of Ede (the Netherlands). Our analysis uncovers two competing frames: 1) highlighting the responsibility of the municipality to take a leading role in food policy making, and 2) responding reflexively to NGAs. The analysis provides insights into how the framing of participation by civil servants serves to shape the conditions for participation of NGAs. It further sheds light on related practices and uncovers existing tensions and contradictions, with important implications for food democracy. We conclude by showing how, in the short term, a strong leadership role for civil servants, informed by the responsibility frame, may be effective for advancing policy objectives of the municipality. However, the reactive frame illustrates that civil servants worry this approach is not effective for maintaining meaningful participation of NGAs. This remains a key tension of participatory municipal-led urban food policy making, but balancing both municipal responsibility and an open and reactive attitude towards the participation of NGAs is useful for enhancing food democracy.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/7248
2023-11-16T17:38:03Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/7248
2023-11-16T17:38:03Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 11, No 4 (2023): Comparative Fiscal Federalism and the Post-Covid EU: Between Debt Rules and Borrowing Power; 112-121
The Political Determinants of Fiscal Governance in the EU: Towards a New Equilibrium
Buti, Marco; Robert Schuman Centre, European University Institute, Italy
Fabbrini, Sergio; Department of Political Science, LUISS University, Italy
2023-10-27 09:35:11
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/7248
central fiscal capacity; Economic and Monetary Union; European Union; fiscal equilibrium; fiscal governance; fiscal policy
en
The article investigates the political determinants of fiscal governance in the EU. Since the outset of the Economic and Monetary Union, the EU adopted a model of fiscal regulation which attempted to keep government debt and deficit in check to avoid “fiscal dominance.” With the 2020 pandemic, the EU suspended the fiscal rules and adopted a program, Next Generation EU, having some features of a central fiscal capacity. On the bases of comparative federal analysis, the article discusses the political conditions that preside over the formation of a stable central fiscal capacity, here conceptualized as the “triple-T model.” We argue that, in unions of states, the determinants of a central fiscal capacity consist in the appearance of an existential threat, in the reciprocal trust among national governments for answering the threat with central resources, and an adequately long time planning horizon of national policymakers to apprehend the benefits of those common resources for all member states. On these bases, the article outlines the contour of a new EU fiscal set up which encompasses an EU central fiscal capacity and robust budget rules framing the fiscal choices of national authorities.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/3370
2020-12-22T11:42:29Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/3370
2020-12-22T11:42:29Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 8, No 4 (2020): Varieties of Technocratic Populism around the World; 580-589
Technocratic Populism in Hybrid Regimes: Georgia on My Mind and in My Pocket
Aprasidze, David; School of Arts and Sciences, Ilia State University, Georgia
Siroky, David S.; School of Politics and Global Studies, Arizona State University, USA / Institute of Sociology, Czech Academy of Science, Czech Republic
2020-12-17 03:56:24
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/3370
Georgia; hybrid regimes; Ivanishvili; populism; technocratic populism
en
Most studies of technocratic populism have focused on democracies under stress (e.g., Italy, Czech Republic). This article builds on and extends these studies by analyzing a hybrid regime—post-Soviet Georgia—and argues that technocratic populism in this context is utilized as a façade to cover authoritarian and oligarchic tendencies, while suspending (or reversing) democratization efforts. The state apparatus is weaponized against current and potential political opponents. Ideology is irrelevant, loyalty is key, and passivity is encouraged. The government aims to chip away at institutional checks and balances, and to demobilize the public by undermining confidence in the country’s representative institutions while increasing dependence on experienced personalities, the ‘can do experts.’ The result is most often a stable partial-reform equilibrium. We illustrate this argument with evidence from Georgia, where Bidzina Ivanishvili, the richest man in the country, came to power in 2012 and, despite not holding any official position in the government since 2013, has run the state as a firm.