2024-03-29T05:12:08Z
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/oai
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/7230
2023-11-16T17:38:03Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/7230
2023-11-16T17:38:03Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 11, No 4 (2023): Comparative Fiscal Federalism and the Post-Covid EU: Between Debt Rules and Borrowing Power; 82-91
Fiscal Rules and Federal Capacity in American Fiscal History: Lessons for Europe?
Georgiou, Christakis; Global Studies Institute, University of Geneva, Switzerland
2023-10-27 09:35:11
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/7230
comparative federalism; fiscal capacity; fiscal federalism; fiscal rules; political development
Swiss National Science Foundation
en
Recent comparative fiscal federalism work has noted how the US displays a mix of substantial federal capacity and no federal fiscal rules for sub-federal units as opposed to the EU’s mix of regulation and lack of capacity. The difference is explained by the lack of federal capacity in the EU case, which presumably creates a need for regulation. However, these studies are cross-sectional. This carries the obvious drawback of abstracting the actual political and historical processes that have given rise to the respective mixes of regulation and capacity in the two polities. In this article, I trace the historical process by which the specific mix of no rules and capacity became entrenched in the US in the second half of the 20th century and ask whether that political-economic history has any lessons for the EU today.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/1166
2018-12-12T07:20:33Z
politicsandgovernance:EDI
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/1166
2018-12-12T07:20:33Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 5, No 3 (2017): EU Institutional Politics of Secrecy and Transparency in Foreign Affairs; 1-5
EU Institutional Politics of Secrecy and Transparency in Foreign Affairs
Abazi, Vigjilenca; Centre for European Research in Maastricht, Maastricht University, The Netherlands
Adriaensen, Johan; Centre for European Research in Maastricht, Maastricht University, The Netherlands
2017-09-25 09:01:15
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/1166
access to information; European Union, foreign affairs; negotiations; oversight; politicization; secrecy; transparency
en
This thematic issue shows how the interplays of secrecy and transparency have been a salient driver of institutional politics in EU foreign affairs. It offers a critical reading of the most recent developments in EU’s international negotiations, an analysis of case law and empirical insights on public and institutional access to information. The Issue provides an interdisciplinary understanding of how information flows affect and are affect by the EU’s institutional balance through synergising perspectives from the fields of political science, public administration and law. This editorial outlines the central questions raised in this thematic issue and highlights its main findings.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/182
2023-12-27T08:56:40Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/182
2023-12-27T08:56:40Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 3, No 2 (2015): Multidisciplinary Studies in Politics and Governance; 18-33
The Diffusion of Labour Standards: The Case of the US and Guatemala
van Roozendaal, Gerda; Department of International Relations and International Organization, Faculty of Arts, University of Groningen, The Netherlands
2015-05-07 12:00:40
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/182
Guatemala; trade; labour standards; policy diffusion
Cornell University's ILR School; Georgetown University's Graduate School of Arts and Sciences;Research Department of the International Labour Office, ILO; Lance Compa (ILR School, Cornell University; Saskia Hoebee and Pedro Miguel (master students IR)
en
The number of free trade agreements (FTAs) concluded by the United States of America (US) has grown vastly over the past two decades. While FTAs contribute to increased global competition and as such may also contribute to socially-undesirable practices in the area of working conditions and the environment, the proliferation in FTAs has paradoxically also augmented the potential for making free trade more fair as some of these agreements now include labour provisions. However, the question is whether these trade agreements have also actually diffused internationally recognised labour standards. This article studies the FTA the US signed in 2004 with a number of Central American countries and which, at a later stage, also included the Dominican Republic. This FTA is commonly referred to as CAFTA-DR and includes a chapter on labour standards. The article argues that the effects of the inclusion of labour standards in CAFTA-DR have been limited and therefore should be viewed as an unsuccessful attempt at policy transfer. This is illustrated by the case of Guatemala, a country known for its lack of respect for labour standards and which is currently the subject of a complaints procedure under the CAFTA-DR. It is maintained that this lack of effectiveness is the result of many factors. Among these is the weakness of the labour chapter of CAFTA-DR resulting from the fact that the chapter is the outcome of bargaining processes both within the US and between the US and Guatemala, where symbolic results were valued more highly than actual substance.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/3969
2021-04-05T08:40:43Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/3969
2021-04-05T08:40:43Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 9, No 1 (2021): Access or Excess? Redefining the Boundaries of Transparency in the EU’s Decision-Making; 272-280
To What Extent Can the CJEU Contribute to Increasing the EU Legislative Process’ Transparency?
Bodson, Benjamin; Centre for International and European Law, Catholic University of Louvain, Belgium
2021-03-31 03:46:58
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/3969
Council of the European Union; Court of Justice of the European Union; European Commission; European Parliament; European Union; legislative procedure; transparency
en
Alongside other actors such as the European Ombudsman, the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) plays what looks like, at first sight, a key role in improving the transparency of EU legislative procedures. To take two relatively recent examples, the De Capitani v. European Parliament (2018) judgment was perceived as a victory by those in favor of increased transparency of EU legislative procedures at the stage of trilogues, as was the ClientEarth v. European Commission (2018) judgment regarding the pre-initiative stage. Both rulings emphasize the need for “allowing citizens to scrutinize all the information which has formed the basis of a legislative act…[as] a precondition for the effective exercise of their democratic rights” (ClientEarth v. European Commission, 2018, §84; De Capitani v. European Parliament, 2018, §80). Nevertheless, while the CJEU’s case law may indeed contribute to improving the legislative process’ transparency, its impact on the latter is inherently limited and even bears the potential of having a perverse effect. This article sheds light on the limits of the CJEU’s capacity to act in this field and the potential effects of its case law on the EU institutions’ attitudes or internal organization.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/1329
2019-07-02T04:47:58Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/1329
2019-07-02T04:47:58Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 6, No 2 (2018): Global Cybersecurity: New Directions in Theory and Methods; 31-40
Enacting Expertise: Ritual and Risk in Cybersecurity
Shires, James; Department of Politics and International Relations, University of Oxford, UK
2018-06-11 07:46:45
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/1329
conference; cybersecurity; expertise; Middle East; performance; skills gap
en
This article applies the concept of ritual to cybersecurity expertise, beginning with the cybersecurity “skills gap”: the perceived lack of suitably qualified professionals necessary to tackle contemporary cybersecurity challenges. It proposes that cybersecurity expertise is best understood as a skilled performance which satisfies decision-makers’ demands for risk management. This alternative understanding of cybersecurity expertise enables investigation of the types of performance involved in key events which congregate experts together: cybersecurity conferences. The article makes two key claims, which are empirically based on participant observation of cybersecurity conferences in the Middle East. First, that cybersecurity conferences are ritualized activities which create an expert community across international boundaries despite significant political and social differences. Second, that the ritualized physical separation between disinterested knowledge-sharing and commercial advertisement at these conferences enacts an ideal of “pure” cybersecurity expertise rarely encountered elsewhere, without which the claims to knowledge made by cybersecurity experts would be greatly undermined. The approach taken in this article is thus a new direction for cybersecurity research, with significant implications for other areas of international politics.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/5015
2022-06-24T09:41:17Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/5015
2022-06-24T09:41:17Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 10, No 2 (2022): Re-Visioning Borders: Europe and Beyond; 293-302
Non-War Activities in Cyberspace as a Factor Driving the Process of De-Bordering
Dziwisz, Dominika; Institute of Political Science and International Relations, Jagiellonian University, Poland
2022-06-15 10:40:12
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/5015
borders; cybersecurity; de-bordering; grey-zone conflict; non-war; re-bordering
en
Whereas war is the continuation of politics by other means, a new space between diplomacy and open conflict is now becoming available for state and non-state actors, tempting them with the promise of achieving a strategic advantage over an opponent without risking the escalation of the conflict to the level of kinetic aggression. From that perspective, the ongoing shift of states and societies into cyberspace is becoming extremely interesting. As it blurs national borders, it offers an excellent dimension in which to exercise non-war activities, enabling reduction of kinetic aggression in the three basic dimensions of warfare (land, air, and sea) and providing new means of reaching one’s political objectives. The aim of this article is twofold. Firstly, it discusses the changing nature of borders and examines the impact of non-war doctrine on the functions played by national borders. Secondly, it analyzes how states utilize these activities to achieve political goals and gain strategic advantage over opponents, as well as to what extent they foster de-bordering.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/3348
2020-12-22T11:42:29Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/3348
2020-12-22T11:42:29Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 8, No 4 (2020): Varieties of Technocratic Populism around the World; 485-495
Technocratic Populism in Italy after Berlusconi: The Trendsetter and his Disciples
Castaldo, Antonino; Instituto de Ciências Sociais, University of Lisbon, Portugal
Verzichelli, Luca; CIRCaP—Department of Social, Political and Cognitive Sciences, University of Siena, Italy
2020-12-17 03:56:22
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/3348
Berlusconi; Conte; Italy; leadership; Monti; populism; Renzi; Salvini; technocratic populism
en
Notwithstanding the speculations from the literature, the empirical analyses still neglect the convergence between populism and technocracy. The Italian case can be of some interest in this perspective, given the rise of technocratic populism since Silvio Berlusconi’s rise to power in 1994. By analyzing the style of leadership and the processes of ministerial appointment and delegation, we argue that Berlusconi has been a trendsetter, more than a coherent example of technocratic populist leader. On the one hand, he played the role of the entrepreneur in politics, promising to run the state as a firm. Moreover, he adopted an anti-establishment appeal, delegitimizing political opponents and stressing the divide between ‘us’ (hardworking ordinary people) and ‘them’ (incompetent politicians). On the other hand, however, his anti-elite approach was mainly directed towards the ‘post-communist elite.’ Extending the analysis to the following two decades, we introduce a diachronic comparison involving three examples of leadership somehow influenced by Berlusconi. Mario Monti represents the paradox of the impossible hero: A pure technocrat unable to take a genuinely populist semblance. Matteo Renzi represents the attempt to mix a populist party leadership with a technocratic chief executive style. Finally, Salvini represents the pure nativist heir of Berlusconi, as the new leader of the right-wing camp. The latest developments of executive leadership in Italy, and the re-emergence of other residual hints of technocratic populism, will be discussed in the final section of the article, also in the light of the evident impact of the 2020 pandemic outbreak on the practices of government.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/2225
2019-10-08T05:09:29Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
ec_fundedresources
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/2225
2019-10-08T05:09:29Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 7, No 3 (2019): Out of the Shadows, Into the Limelight: Parliaments and Politicisation; 266-278
Proving Their Worth? The Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership and the Members of the European Parliament
Rosén, Guri; ARENA Centre for European Studies, University of Oslo, Norway
2019-09-27 07:28:22
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/2225
European Parliament; European Union; parliamentarisation; politicisation; responsiveness; trade policy; Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership
Research Council Norway
en
Recent trade negotiations in the EU have provoked unprecedented levels of controversy, in particular the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) between the EU and the US. One crucial channel for public contestation is the European Parliament (EP) which, following the entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty, has to give consent to international agreements. Thus, this article sets out to answer the question: During the dispute over TTIP, did members of the EP (MEPs) engage in the public debate, and if so, how? If they engage in debates, what characterises their engagement: Do they engage with voter concerns, do they engage in a responsive manner, and do they contribute to politicisation as quite a few feared? Building on an analysis of newspaper coverage and plenary debates in the EP, the article shows that many supporters of TTIP attempted to de-politicise the debate, while opponents most frequently evoked ‘the voice of the people’ to politicise TTIP. Thus, MEPs do not only respond to politicisation, they also attempt to make politicisation happen by evoking public concerns. The article highlights the multifaceted relationship between responsiveness and politicisation, where claims responding to voter concerns, are used both to incite contestation and alleviate it.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/6383
2023-08-31T09:51:11Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/6383
2023-08-31T09:51:11Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 11, No 2 (2023): Local Self-Governance and Weak Statehood: A Convincing Liaison?; 346-356
Exploring the Relationship Between Social Movement Organizations and the State in Latin America
Kestler, Thomas; Institute of Political Science and Sociology, University of Würzburg, Germany
2023-06-15 10:21:15
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/6383
Argentina; neighborhood movement; piquetero movement; social movements; social self‐organization; state–society relations; Venezuela
en
Under conditions of weak statehood, societal actors are supposed to assume functions usually attributed to the state. Social self-organization is expected to emerge when the state leaves important social problems unattended. Should social self-organization, therefore, be regarded as a reaction to state weakness and as compensation for state failure in the provision of basic services? Does society organize itself on its own in areas where the state is absent or ineffective? By the example of two Latin American social movements, this article aims to show that social self-organization—at least on a larger scale—is not independent of the state, but rather a result of a dynamic interaction with the state. The two examples this article explores are the middle-class Venezuelan neighborhood movement and the Argentine piquetero movement of unemployed workers. Both movements emerged as reactions to the state’s failure and retreat from essential social functions and both developed into extensive and influential social actors. For that reason, they can be regarded as crucial cases for observing the patterns and conditions of social self-organization and autonomous collective action within the specific Latin American context. Despite their different backgrounds and social bases, the two cases reveal remarkable similarities. They show that the emergence and development of self-organized social groups cannot be conceived simply as a reaction to state weakness, but rather should be viewed as a dynamic interaction with the state.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/651
2018-12-12T07:20:31Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/651
2018-12-12T07:20:31Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 4, No 3 (2016): Climate Governance and the Paris Agreement; 197-208
From Paris to the End of Oil
Claes, Dag Harald; Department of Political Science, University of Oslo, Norway
Hveem, Helge; Department of Political Science, University of Oslo, Norway
2016-09-08 03:06:47
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/651
climate change; energy system; oil market; Paris treaty
en
This article discusses the possibilities and obstacles for a cost-effective implementation of policies that will lead to a significant reduction in global CO2 emissions from the use of oil. The structural conditions and economic consequences of changing national or regional energy systems vary dramatically. In addition, there are a large number of actors with strong interests along the energy value chain that may potentially halt, delay or alter the implementation of the Paris treaty. We analyze these issues by first locating oil in the overall energy system, then identifying possibilities and obstacles at various stages of the oil value chain, and finally by contextualizing global oil by discussing whether and how it may be affected by geopolitics and regional conflict. In brief, our argument is that developments in consumption volumes and patterns will be most important. Market forces are vital, but they are influenced by politics and public policy outcomes. Transportation is the most important sector for oil consumption, with changes in transport behavior, modes and technology being vital drivers. The behavior of investors will be a decisive factor in shaping the production side of the oil system. If investments go down as a response to lasting low oil prices and/or because investors decide to turn to green economy options, the supply of oil will logically shrink. On the other hand, the growth and development aspirations of a rapidly growing population in developing countries are likely to stimulate demand and thus increase exploration, production and subsequently the price. Finally, we emphasize the importance of (geo)politics influencing all aspects of the value chain of oil.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/92
2023-12-27T09:01:52Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/92
2023-12-27T09:01:52Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 1, No 1 (2013): Multidisciplinary Studies in Politics and Governance; 66-73
Campaign Duration and Election Outcomes
Panagopoulos, Costas; Department of Political Science, Fordham University, Bronx, NY 10458, USA
2013-05-23 00:00:00
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/92
campaign duration; campaign length; campaign spending; campaign timing; candidate familiarity; election outcomes; vote choice
en
Does campaign duration affect election outcomes? To date, this question has largely evaded political scientists, but it is reasonable to expect systematic links between campaign length and candidate performance in elections. We hypothesize that longer campaigns would help challengers' electoral fortunes, thereby curbing incumbency advantage and potentially boosting competitiveness in elections. Using two data sources, aggregate data from U.S. House elections between 1994 and 2006 and ANES survey data from the 2002 election cycle, we find little evidence to support contentions that campaign length affects election outcomes or candidate familiarity. The results we report suggest the political consequences, intended or not, to choices about election timing are likely minimal.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/3444
2020-12-22T11:42:29Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
ec_fundedresources
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/3444
2020-12-22T11:42:29Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 8, No 4 (2020): Varieties of Technocratic Populism around the World; 533-544
After the Cartel Party: ‘Extra-Party’ and ‘Intra-Party’ Techno-Populism
Piquer, Jose; Department of Politics and International Studies, University of Cambridge, UK
Jäger, Anton M. M.; Faculty of History, University of Cambridge, UK
2020-12-17 03:56:23
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/3444
cartelization; Labour Party; party politics; Podemos; populism; technocracy; technopopulism
European Union’s Framework Programme for Research and Innovation Horizon 2020
en
This article reads the restructuring of European party systems in the 2010s as a transition from cartel to techno-populist parties, with a specific focus on left-populist challengers. Adopting a historical-institutionalist perspective, it demonstrates how a long-term cartelization and particular mode of crisis management after 2008 drove the gradual replacement of the party cartel with a cohabitation of populism and technocratic politics: techno-populism. Although this techno-populist template has been deployed for parties such as Five Star Movement and some right-wing populist outfits, it has usually been left aside for left-wing variants. This article investigates two techno-populist subtypes from the left: Corbynism in the United Kingdom and Podemos in Spain. The former took place within a cartel party (‘intra-party’), while the latter occurred from outside the party cartel (‘extra-party’). Although such party cartelization cuts across cases, the rise of Corbynism and Podemos took place under different institutional conditions: different electoral systems, different European Union membership and different dynamics of party competition on the left. The article concludes with the observation that rather than an anomaly, the presence of techno-populist tropes in and outside of parties and across institutional settings indicates the pervasiveness of these logics in contemporary European party politics.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/2609
2020-07-17T02:44:54Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/2609
2020-07-17T02:44:54Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 8, No 2 (2020): Policy Debates and Discourse Network Analysis; 257-271
Solidarity in the Public Sphere: A Discourse Network Analysis of German Newspapers (2008–2017)
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/download/2609/19597
Wallaschek, Stefan; Institute of Social Sciences, University of Hildesheim, Germany
Starke, Christopher; Department of Social Sciences, University of Düsseldorf, Germany
Brüning, Carlotta; Department of Social Sciences, University of Düsseldorf, Germany
2020-06-02 07:39:56
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/2609
discourse network analysis; Germany; newspapers; public discourses; public sphere; solidarity
en
Multiple crises in the EU have sparked a renaissance of the concept of solidarity. However, discursive approaches to solidarity and the public understanding of solidarity have hardly received scholarly attention. Empirical research on solidarity is rather centered on welfare institutions as well as on individual attitudes and behavior. To shed new light on solidarity in public discourse, we investigate in which policy fields the term is most often used, which actors refer to it and how different types of solidarity are covered in the German public discourse. We investigate the coverage of solidarity in four German newspapers (Die Welt, Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, Süddeutsche Zeitung, Die Tageszeitung) from 2008 to 2017. By deploying the discourse network methodology with 306 claims in 230 news articles, we analyze the co-occurrence of actors and issues over time. Our results indicate a varying set of issues in which solidarity occurs, a rather stable actor visibility, across time and a context-dependent use of different types of solidarity. Government actors, civil society actors as well as citizens drive the solidarity discourse showing that institutional as well as non-institutional actors make use of solidarity in their public actions regarding political protest, financial issues and migration. The study provides novel insights into the interdependence of actor and issue visibility and sheds new light on solidarity in media discourses.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/1088
2019-07-02T04:47:57Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/1088
2019-07-02T04:47:57Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 5, No 4 (2017): Labour Standards in a Global Environment; 60-68
A Supply Chain Approach to Trade and Labor Provisions
Kolben, Kevin; Rutgers Business School, Rutgers University, USA
2017-12-14 03:31:48
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/1088
consumer citizenship; governance; labor provisions; supply chains; trade
en
As labor provisions in trade agreements have become increasingly ubiquitous, there remain questions about whether or not these provisions have been effective in improving working conditions in trading partner countries. Through an analysis of sample labor provisions in United States and European Union free trade agreements, this paper shows that both approaches, albeit using different methods, aim primarily to improve de jure labor law and de facto enforcement of that law by government regulatory institutions. This paper argues that instead, labor provisions ought to be grounded in a supply chain approach. A supply chain approach shifts the focus from impacting de jure and de facto labor law as administered by the state though sanctions or dialogue, and towards context specific, experimental, and coordinated private and public regulatory interventions that operate in key export industries that are implicated in trading partners’ supply chains. It does so in part by recognizing the potential regulatory power of consumer citizenship.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/4782
2022-01-31T11:46:13Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/4782
2022-01-31T11:46:13Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 10, No 1 (2022): Beyond Foreign Policy? EU Sanctions at the Intersection of Development, Trade, and CFSP; 58-67
Sanctioning Capacity in Trade and Sustainability Chapters in EU Trade Agreements: The EU–Korea Case
García, María J.; Department of Politics, Languages and International Studies, University of Bath, UK
2022-01-26 10:13:24
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/4782
dispute mechanism; EU; FTA; Korea; labour standards; panel of experts; sanctions; trade and sustainability
en
Although sanctions targeting political regimes receive the most media attention, the EU can also sanction states for labour rights violations through its trade policy. Although in practice such sanctions are applied only in extreme cases, the possibility of suspending trade preferences increases the EU’s leverage. In modern trade agreements, the EU incorporates Trade and Sustainable Development (TSD) chapters for labour and environmental matters. However, trade sanctions for non-compliance with this chapter are absent. Instead, a dedicated dispute settlement arrangement exists, leading to recommendations by a panel of experts. In 2019 the EU launched proceedings against South Korea for failing to uphold commitments to ratify and implement International Labour Organisation core conventions regarding trade unions under the 2011 EU–Korea Trade Agreement. In 2021, the panel of experts sided with the EU’s interpretation of commitments under the TSD chapter. This initial case represents the EU’s intention to focus on the implementation of TSD chapters. Using data from official documents, this article process-traces the dispute with Korea. It argues that the outcome of the case, and Korea’s ratification of fundamental International Labour Organisation conventions in 2021, demonstrate the potential of the TSD chapter, when forcefully enforced, to partially redress the weak sanctioning capacity in TSD chapters. It also uncovers important caveats regarding state capacity and alignment with government objectives as conditioning the effectiveness of TSD chapters’ non-legally binding sanctioning mechanisms.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/6151
2023-06-27T11:22:06Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/6151
2023-06-27T11:22:06Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 11, No 1 (2023): Women Opposition Leaders: Pathways, Patterns, and Performance; 141-151
Political Pathways and Performance of Women Opposition Leaders in Indonesia and South Korea
Choi, Nankyung; Department of Political Science and Public Administration, Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam, The Netherlands
2023-02-22 09:46:30
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/6151
Indonesia; political pathways; political performance; South Korea; substantive representation; women opposition leader
en
While some world regions have seen women opposition leaders with no ties to political families rise to national leadership, in East Asia, women opposition leaders who ascend to national executive positions have been largely limited to the wives, daughters, or sisters of prominent male politicians. Locally, however, there have been some broadening and diversification of women who seek and win executive office through oppositional politics. Given the small number of women opposition leaders who have gained leadership positions in the government, this article develops an interpretive study of the relationship between becoming “critical actors” and doing “critical acts” as women opposition leaders. Using four illustrative cases of women who have pursued executive power through oppositional politics, this article questions whether and how the variation in women’s pathways affects their exercise of power in Indonesia and South Korea, two young though consolidating democracies in East Asia. Drawing on the biographies and policies of two presidents (Megawati Soekarnoputri and Park Geun-hye) and two mayors (Tri Rismaharini and Kim Soo-young) it shows that local women opposition leaders use their executive leadership to initiate and implement public policies, unlike their national counterparts whose pathways and performance are intertwined with family background. By doing so, the article sheds light on the complex nexus between political pathways and performance of women opposition leaders.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/3831
2020-11-27T09:58:03Z
politicsandgovernance:EDI
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/3831
2020-11-27T09:58:03Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 8, No 4 (2020): Leadership and Political Change in Asia-Pacific; 131-135
Leadership and Change in Asia-Pacific: Where Does Political Will Come From?
Hudson, David; International Development Department, School of Government, University of Birmingham, UK
Lemay-Hébert, Nicolas; Department of International Relations, Coral Bell School of Asia Pacific Affairs, Australian National University, Australia
Mcloughlin, Claire; International Development Department, School of Government, University of Birmingham, UK
Roche, Chris; Institute for Human Security and Social Change, La Trobe University, Australia
2020-11-25 03:35:58
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/3831
Asia-Pacific region; China; Covid-19; developmental leadership; Fiji; India; Indonesia; Papua New Guinea; political will; Solomon Islands
We introduce this thematic issue by exploring the role of leadership in social and political change. In current times, the importance of leadership and choice has proved as important as ever. Leadership is often the critical variable separating success or failure, legitimacy and sustainability or collapse. This thematic issue explores a range of in-depth case studies across the Asia-Pacific region that help illustrate the critical elements of leadership. Collectively they demonstrate that leadership is best understood as a collective process involving motivated agents overcoming barriers to cooperation to form coalitions that have enough power, legitimacy and influence to transform institutions. Five themes emerge from the thematic issue as a whole: leadership is political; the centrality of gender relations; the need for a more critical localism; scalar politics; and the importance of understanding informal processes of leadership and social change.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/1917
2019-07-02T04:48:06Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/1917
2019-07-02T04:48:06Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 7, No 2 (2019): The Politics, Promise and Peril of Direct Democracy; 306-333
Economic Voting in Direct Democracy: A Case Study of the 2016 Italian Constitutional Referendum
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/download/1917/9894
Leininger, Arndt; Otto Suhr Institute of Political Science, Freie Universität Berlin, Germany
2019-06-27 04:28:38
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/1917
direct democracy; economic voting; Italy; referendums; second-order election; voting
en
Referendums provide citizens with more control over policy. At the same time, they often entail choices over highly complex policies and are politicised along partisan lines, suggesting that partisan rather than policy considerations will guide voters’ choices. I look to the 2016 Italian constitutional referendum, which was particularly complex and polarised, as an opportunity to test for mechanisms of government accountability in a referendum. Using a national survey of voters, I show that the more negative a respondent’s evaluation of the state of the economy, the lower their likelihood to vote ‘yes’ on the government’s reform proposal. This relationship is remarkably strong: an average respondent with a very positive evaluation of the state of the economy has an 88% probability of supporting the government’s reform proposal compared to only 12% for a respondent with a very negative evaluation. The fact that economic evaluations are a strong determinant of vote choice provides evidence for the existence of an economic vote in a referendum. This further suggests that voters may treat referendums as a sort of second-order election.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/4411
2021-11-24T11:47:16Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/4411
2021-11-24T11:47:16Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 9, No 4 (2021): Migration and Refugee Flows: New Insights; 174-184
“Refugees” as a Misnomer: The Parochial Politics and Official Discourse of the Visegrad Four
Gruszczak, Artur; Department of National Security, Jagiellonian University, Poland
2021-10-28 09:56:26
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/4411
anti-refugee discourse; migration; misnomer; parochialism; politicization; public discourse; refugees; Visegrad Four
en
Attitudes towards migrants and refugees are created and reflected at the level of public policies, as well as in local communities which cultivate traditional approaches and a specific worldview. The refugee crisis in Europe in the mid-2010s showed how public opinion translated into voting behaviour and became a source of strength for nationalist anti-immigrant movements and parties across the continent. East-Central Europe was no exception, regardless of the absence of a long-term, massive inflow of refugees. Nevertheless, the migration crisis created a new political narrative which exploited deeply rooted resentments, complexes, and fears. This article aims to analyse the official policy responses to the refugee crisis in the four East-Central European countries: Poland, Hungary, Slovakia, and the Czech Republic, which together constitute the so-called Visegrad Four. It puts the emphasis on the discriminatory practice of misnaming the refugees, which became deeply anchored in the political discourse of these countries. Based on a qualitative content analysis supplemented by the findings of public opinion polls, the argument developed in the article is that reluctant and defensive attitudes towards the refugees have been determined by the revival of parochialism as a radical reaction to the challenges of global trends and supra-local processes. The theoretical framing of the refugee problem is built on politicization, in connection with the concept of parochialism, seen from political and social perspectives, and the meaning of the use of the misnomer as a policy instrument. The article concludes that the migration crisis petrified traditional cleavages at the supra-local level, reinforcing simultaneously the sense of parochial altruism and hostility towards “the other.”
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/2686
2020-03-31T05:31:47Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/2686
2020-03-31T05:31:47Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 8, No 1 (2020): Politicization of EU Trade Policy across Time and Space; 243-253
Towards Explaining Varying Degrees of Politicization of EU Trade Agreement Negotiations
De Bièvre, Dirk; Department of Political Science, University of Antwerp, Belgium
Poletti, Arlo; Department of Sociology and Social Research, University of Trento, Italy
2020-03-31 03:18:04
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/2686
European Union; interest groups; mobilization; negotiations; politicization; public opinion; trade policy
Special Research Fund ('BOF') of the University of Antwerp
en
Over the last decade, European Union (EU) trade agreement negotiations in the form of the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) and the Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement (CETA) with Canada have been strongly contested. By contrast, many other EU trade negotiations have sailed on with far less politicization, or barely any at all. In this contribution, we assess a series of plausible explanation for these very varying degrees of politicization across EU trade agreement negotiations—conceived of as the combination of polarization of opinions, salience given to them in public debate, and the expansion of the number of societal actors involved therein. Through a review of existing explanations, we show how each of these explanations faces a set of challenges. In the third section, we argue it is useful to conceive of these existing explanations as structural background conditions enabling agency on the part of interest group and civil society organizations. We therefore close by sketching how literature on the relationship between interest group mobilization and public opinion could inform further comparative research on trade policy negotiations, and on politicization of EU policy making in general.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/5826
2022-11-28T16:00:56Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/5826
2022-11-28T16:00:56Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 10, No 4 (2022): The Role of Religions and Conspiracy Theories in Democratic and Authoritarian Regimes; 146-156
Religions and Conspiracy Theories as the Authoritarian “Other” of Democracy?
Hidalgo, Oliver Fernando; Department of Politics, University of Münster, Germany
2022-11-24 09:49:33
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/5826
anomie; authority; belief; conspiracy; democracy; disintegration; emotions; orientation; substitute religions; uncertainty
en
This article theorises and conceptualises the ambivalent role of religions and conspiracy theories in modern democracies. Based on a concise comparison of both phenomena, it elaborates the similar risks and functions of religions and conspiracy theories for the political community without neglecting the fact that, under secular conditions, the spread of conspiracy narratives might outweigh those of religious messages in the long run. That observation seems particularly relevant for contemporary governance and political science, as a tendency towards social anomie in the sense of Durkheim can be deduced from democratic theory, which significantly increases democracy’s need for compensatory moral and cognitive authorities.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/3020
2020-09-08T05:58:42Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/3020
2020-09-08T05:58:42Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 8, No 3 (2020): Civil Society Elites; 109-119
Pathways to Leadership within and beyond Cambodian Civil Society: Elite Status and Boundary-Crossing
Norén-Nilsson, Astrid; Centre for East and South-East Asian Studies, Lund University, Sweden
Eng, Netra; Cambodia Development Resource Institute, Cambodia
2020-09-04 03:46:08
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/3020
boundary-crossing; Cambodia; civil society; elites; leadership
Swedish Research Council
en
Elitisation in Cambodian civil society and how such processes relate to holding elite status in the state, electoral politics, and economic fields, is poorly understood. This article seeks to identify different pathways to becoming an elite within and beyond Cambodian civil society. We focus on four case studies, representing different forms of organisations within the sectors of agriculture and youth. Three main questions are explored. Firstly, we identify different forms of capital needed to reach elite status in civil society. Secondly, we explore how elite status within civil society is related to elite status within other fields, by identifying three pathways of boundary-crossing (Lewis, 2008a) from civil society into the state, electoral politics, and economic fields. Thirdly, we map the perceived possibilities and limitations of each field. In exploring these questions, this article argues for a reappraisal of Cambodian civil society, shifting attention to the networks and platforms that fall outside of the dominant focus on professional NGOs. By empirically tracing how elites move between fields, it aspires to provide a better understanding of the contours of, and relations between, civil society and other fields (including government, electoral politics, and business), including in terms of what particular forms of power pertain to each.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/1796
2020-09-09T03:24:11Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/1796
2020-09-09T03:24:11Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 7, No 1 (2019): EU Energy Policy: Towards a Clean Energy Transition?; 17-27
Hard or Soft Governance? The EU’s Climate and Energy Policy Framework for 2030
Oberthür, Sebastian; Institute for European Studies, Vrije Universiteit Brussel, Belgium
2019-03-28 08:38:09
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/1796
bindingness; climate governance; energy governance; Energy Union; European Union; Governance Regulation; hard governance; Paris Agreement; soft governance
en
This article investigates the stringency of EU climate and energy governance along the soft-hard continuum as a key determinant of its ability to achieve its ambitions. It introduces four criteria for a systematic and differentiated assessment of the bindingness/stringency of legislative instruments and governance frameworks, namely: (1) formal legal status, (2) the nature of the obligations (substantive—procedural), (3) their precision and prescriptiveness, and (4) the means for effecting accountability and effective implementation. The application of this assessment framework to the EU’s Climate and Energy Policy Framework for 2030 in comparison with the preceding 2020 Framework and the international Paris Agreement on climate change demonstrates the added value of this approach. The focus is on regulations, adopted in 2018, regarding greenhouse gas emissions, renewable energy (RE), and energy efficiency as well as the surrounding framework for planning, reporting, monitoring, and enforcement. The EU’s 2030 Framework scores high on the four criteria. Despite implementing the comparatively soft Paris Agreement, it does not fall behind the stringency of the 2020 Framework, as the abandoning of binding national targets for RE is balanced by strengthened obligations to prepare national plans, long-term strategies, and regular progress reports, as well as the enhanced monitoring and supervisory powers of the European Commission. While actual delivery will not least depend on how the Commission will use its established and newly acquired powers and tools, the 2030 Framework reinforces EU interest in strengthening international climate governance under the Paris Agreement.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/7441
2024-01-31T10:51:45Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
ec_fundedresources
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/7441
2024-01-31T10:51:45Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 12 (2024): Active Labour Market Policies and Youth Employment in European Peripheries
Territorial Configurations of School‐To‐Work Outcomes in Europe
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/download/7441/49301
Cefalo, Ruggero; Department of Sociology, University of Vienna, Austria
Scandurra, Rosario; Department of Sociology, Autonomous University of Barcelona, Spain / Center for Global Studies, Universidade Aberta, Portugal
Kazepov, Yuri; Department of Sociology, University of Vienna, Austria
2024-01-31 09:58:25
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/7441
education; labour market integration; school‐to‐work transition; spatial disparities; youth
EEA and Norway Grants Fund for Youth Employment (Complete project code: 20-01-0011)
en
Comparative research on school-to-work transitions mainly focused on country differences, examining the variation in institutional design and its impact on shaping youth labour market outcomes. The field has been dominated by a sort of methodological nationalism assuming nation states as homogeneous objects of comparison, while the territorial variations in youth transitions among sub-national territories have been less explored, notwithstanding their potential impact on life chances. In this article, we look at the outcomes of transitions in EU regions, comparing regional configurations of school-to-work transitions and their change over time. Is it possible to identify differences among groups of regions? To what extent do these patterns change over time? In order to answer these questions, we construct and analyse a longitudinal and systematic set of indicators that combine regional aggregated outcomes of transitions from education to work and regional contextual traits at the Nomenclature of Territorial Units for Statistics level 2 for the period 2007–2019. We perform two cluster analyses to describe regional differences and trends over time. The findings provide novel insights into the characteristics and patterns of an unequal geography of youth opportunities in Europe.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/3979
2021-09-01T13:09:43Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/3979
2021-09-01T13:09:43Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 9, No 3 (2021): Reactionary Politics and Resentful Affect in Populist Times; 215-226
Reimagining the Medieval: The Utility of Ethnonational Symbols for Reactionary Transnational Social Movements
Godwin, Matthew; Tony Blair Institute for Global Change, UK
Trischler, Elisabeth; Institute for Medieval Studies, University of Leeds, UK
2021-08-27 10:10:49
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/3979
crusades; Defence League; ethnonational symbols; Identitarians; medievalism; reactionary movements
en
Scholars have explored the rise of far-right reactionary political parties in Europe over the last decade. However, social movements reflecting similar political orientations have rarely been conceptualized as “reactionary.” To better understand the political orientations of reactionary transnational social movements such as the Identitarians and the Defence Leagues, we explore how and why ethnonational symbols derived from the medieval period are utilized by adherents. This interdisciplinary investigation argues that, through processes of mediated political medievalism, ethnonational symbols are used as strategic framing devices to reimagine an idealized “golden age” of distinct European nations, to assign blame for the erosion of ethnonational identity through multiculturalism, immigration and “Islamization,” to establish an intergenerational struggle against the supposed incursion of Islam in Europe, and to proscribe and justify the use of violence as a means of re-establishing the primacy of European nations.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/2239
2020-01-20T08:06:45Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/2239
2020-01-20T08:06:45Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 7, No 4 (2019): Trade-Offs in the Political Realm: How Important Are Trade-Offs in Politics?; 243-253
Designing Democratic Constitutions: The Search for Optimality
Ganghof, Steffen; Faculty of Economics and Social Sciences, University of Potsdam, Germany
2019-11-25 05:46:59
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/2239
electoral systems; parliamentary government; presidential government; semi-parliamentary government
en
This article analyses salient trade-offs in the design of democracy. It grounds this analysis in a distinction between two basic models of democracy: simple and complex majoritarianism. These models differ not only in their electoral and party systems, but also in the style of coalition-building. Simple majoritarianism concentrates executive power in a single majority party; complex majoritarianism envisions the formation of shifting, issue-specific coalitions among multiple parties whose programs differ across multiple conflict dimensions. The latter pattern of coalition formation is very difficult to create and sustain under pure parliamentary government. A separation of powers between executive and legislature can facilitate such a pattern, while also achieving central goals of simple majoritarianism: identifiable cabinet alternatives before the election and stable cabinets afterward. The separation of powers can thus balance simple and complex majoritarianism in ways that are unavailable under parliamentarism. The article also compares the presidential and semi-parliamentary versions of the separation of powers. It argues that the latter has important advantages, e.g., when it comes to resolving inter-branch deadlock, as it avoids the concentration of executive power in a single human being.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/7858
2023-12-19T16:12:23Z
politicsandgovernance:EDI
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/7858
2023-12-19T16:12:23Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 11, No 4 (2023): Economic Security and the Politics of Trade and Investment Policy in Europe; 122-128
Economic Security and the Politics of Trade and Investment Policy in Europe
Rosén, Guri; Oslo Business School, Oslo Metropolitan University, Norway
Meunier, Sophie; Princeton School of Public and International Affairs, Princeton University, USA
2023-11-29 09:19:54
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/7858
anti-globalization backlash; economic security; European Union; geoeconomics; investment; trade
Facing recent global disruptions brought about by the COVID-19 pandemic, the war in Ukraine, climate change, and the race for raw materials and technology needed for the green transition, economic interdependence—not least unilateral dependence—has increasingly come to be seen as a security threat. In response, the EU has put resilience and strategic autonomy at the centre of its trade and investment agenda. The EU was long resistant to this geoeconomic turn, that is, the use of economic tools for geopolitical purposes in normal times. Since 2017, however, the EU has placed greater emphasis on identifying and mitigating the security vulnerabilities that accrue from open markets. This geoeconomic turn has culminated in the June 2023 release of the European Commission’s Economic Security Strategy, which aims to maximise the benefits of economic openness while minimising the risks from economic interdependence. The aim of this thematic issue is to analyse the foundations of this new European focus on economic security and, more specifically, on the increased use of geoeconomic instruments. Coming at this objective from a variety of disciplinary traditions, methodologies, and substantive focus, our contributors tackle, among others, the following questions: Why has the EU abandoned its reluctance to use geoeconomics and finally made the switch towards economic security? How does the EU’s approach compare with other major global players? And, what are the long-term implications of the EU’s economic security strategy for European integration, its relationship with partners and allies, and the global economic order?
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/471
2018-12-12T07:20:30Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/471
2018-12-12T07:20:30Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 4, No 1 (2016): How Different Were the European Elections of 2014?; 104-115
The Impact of the Explosion of EU News on Voter Choice in the 2014 EU Elections
Kleinnijenhuis, Jan; Department of Communication Science, Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam, The Netherlands
van Atteveldt, Wouter; Department of Communication Science, Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam, The Netherlands
2016-02-29 10:09:00
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/471
elections; European Parliament; media content analysis; news effects; panel survey; Ukraine; vote choice
en
The European elections in 2014 were the first to be held after a long period in which EU-related news was prominent in the media. They were held after years of daily news about the euro crisis and after months of news about the popular uprising in the Ukraine against president Yanukovych, who had refused to sign the association agreement with the EU. This could have invited political parties to overcome the usual problem of low salience of EU issues by strongly profiling themselves on EU issues. Turnout at the 2014 EU elections, however, remained low, hinting that parties were unable to convert the attention for European issues into enthusiasm for their party at the European elections. This paper asks how vote choice was influenced by party campaigning on EU related issues. A news effects analysis based on a content analysis of Dutch newspapers and television, and on a panel survey among Dutch voters revealed that EU issues functioned as wedge issues: the more strongly parties were associated in the news with the euro crisis and the Ukraine, the less they succeeded in mobilizing voters.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/3938
2021-07-02T18:17:55Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/3938
2021-07-02T18:17:55Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 9, No 2 (2021): The Politics, Promise and Peril of Ranked Choice Voting; 306-318
The Impact of Input Rules and Ballot Options on Voting Error: An Experimental Analysis
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/download/3938/26002
Maloy, J. S.; Department of Political Science, University of Louisiana, USA
Ward, Matthew; Department of Political Science, University of Louisiana, USA
2021-06-15 09:32:47
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/3938
American politics; election administration; election reform; Ranked Choice Voting; voting behavior; voting experiments
New America
en
When election reforms such as Ranked Choice Voting or the Alternative Vote are proposed to replace plurality voting, they offer lengthier instructions, more opportunities for political expression, and more opportunities for mistakes on the ballot. Observational studies of voting error rely on ecological inference from geographically aggregated data. Here we use an experimental approach instead, to examine the effect of two different ballot conditions at the individual level of analysis: the input rules that the voter must use and the number of ballot options presented for the voter’s choice. This experiment randomly assigned three different input rules (single-mark, ranking, and grading) and two different candidate lists (with six and eight candidates) to over 6,000 online respondents in the USA, during the American presidential primary elections in 2020, simulating a single-winner presidential election. With more expressive input rules (ranking and grading), the distinction between minor mistakes and totally invalid votes—a distinction inapplicable to single‐mark ballots (1MB) voting—assumes new importance. Regression analysis indicates that more complicated input rules and more candidates on the ballot did not raise the probability that a voter would cast a void (uncountable) vote, despite raising the probability of at least one violation of voting instructions.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/1565
2019-07-02T04:48:02Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/1565
2019-07-02T04:48:02Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 6, No 4 (2018): Big Data Applications in Governance and Policy; 29-39
Big Data under Obama and Trump: The Data-Fueled U.S. Presidency
Trish, Barbara; Political Science Department, Grinnell College, USA
2018-11-21 04:10:27
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/1565
analytics; big data; data; drone strikes; evidence-based; microtargeting; Obama; performance management; president; Trump
Grinnell College
en
The much-heralded use of data, analytics, and evidence-based decisions marks the U.S. presidency, wherein many processes and decisions are structured by the analysis of data. An approach with historical precedent, reliance on data was prominent under Obama, and is even under Trump, despite signals to the contrary. This article examines three cases from the Obama era: microtargeting in electoral campaigns, performance management in government, and signature drone strikes employed by the national security apparatus. It also reflects on the early Trump administration. The processes described are highly dependent on data, technically big data in two instances. The article examines the cases both on their own terms and in the context of a critical lens that directs attention to the political economy of the data. The analysis helps unpack the allure of data and analytics as well as the challenges in structuring an environment with a measured approach to data and big data, which would examine both their potential and drawback.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/5362
2022-07-18T17:05:40Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/5362
2022-07-18T17:05:40Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 10, No 3 (2022): Constructing Ocean and Polar Governance; 70-79
Ocean Governance in the Coral Triangle: A Multi-Level Regulatory Governance Structure
Heck, Sarah A.; Independent Researcher, Germany
2022-07-14 10:48:42
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/5362
Coral Triangle Initiative on Coral Reefs, Fisheries, and Food Security; functional specialization; marine degradation; meta-governance; non-state actors; ocean governance; regulatory regionalism
en
The current mode of ocean governance in the biogeographically defined space of the Coral Triangle emerged due to the framing of marine degradation as a de-bounded risk with a transboundary nature. This framing justified the rescaling of the issue’s governance from the national to the regional. This article will explore how ocean governance in the form of the Coral Triangle Initiative on Coral Reefs, Fisheries, and Food Security (CTI-CFF) is an example of a regional multi-level regulatory governance arrangement based on disaggregated, regulatory forms of statehood. These new kinds of regional regulatory governance are defined by the dominance of policy and technical expertise. As such, non-state actors work closely with national and supranational actors in the development, implementation, and regulatory functions of the CTI-CFF. The organizational structure of the CTI-CFF’s governance framework provides an example of how regional regulatory systems are networked into existing national government structures. The CTI-CFF’s Regional Plan of Action and corresponding mechanisms serve as a model for each member country’s National Plan of Action and domestic programs. These plans of action promote the transformation and rescaling of national governance to be consistent with regional standards of marine resource governance. To summarize, CTI-CFF is a multi-level governance structure constructed to strengthen regulatory regionalism.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/2122
2019-10-08T05:09:29Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/2122
2019-10-08T05:09:29Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 7, No 3 (2019): Rethinking Representation: Representative Claims in Global Perspective; 179-188
Political Representation in the Discourse and Practices of the “Party of the Common Man” in India
Lama-Rewal, Stéphanie Tawa; Centre d’Etudes de l’Inde et de l’Asie du Sud, Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique, France
2019-09-24 08:44:36
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/2122
Aam Aadmi Party; India; mediation; participatory democracy; political representation; populism
ANR
en
One of the many challenges presented by populism concerns its relationship with political representation. What happens when an anti-politics movement wins elections? This article offers an analysis of the exercise of power by the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP, Party of the Common Man), which has been ruling the city-state of Delhi since 2015, in order to bring elements of answer to this question. On the basis of discourse analysis as well as direct observation of meetings, the article first identifies a series of populist tropes in the official discourse of the AAP, including a de-emphasis on representation to the advantage of participation. It then describes the two main participatory schemes implemented by the AAP government since 2015, and shows that these generate, in different ways, a magnification of the mediation work that is central to political representation at the local level in the Indian context. Finally, the article argues that the party has been developing, through these participatory schemes, a form of “inclusive representation” (Hayat, 2013), in which inclusion is linked to mobilization.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/6300
2023-06-27T11:21:44Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/6300
2023-06-27T11:21:44Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 11, No 2 (2023): The European Union and International Regime Complexes; 62-71
Influencing the International Transport Regime Complex: The EU’s Climate Action in ICAO and IMO
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/download/6300/44593
Dikaios, George; Department of Political Science and Public Administration, National and Kapodistrian University of Athens, Greece
Blavoukos, Spyros; Department of International & European Economic Studies, Athens University of Economics and Business, Greece
2023-04-26 09:55:07
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/6300
climate diplomacy; European Union; ICAO; IMO; transport regime complex
en
Regime complexes entail a variety of institutions with a degree of overlap in terms of thematic issues and participating actors. The EU is such an actor engaging with other governmental and non-governmental entities in the formation and evolution of regime complexes. In this article, we examine the role of the EU in the international transport regime complex, and more specifically in two of its core international organizations, namely ICAO and IMO. Our actor-based approach focuses on how the EU navigates between these two constitutive components of the global transport regime complex, advancing climate change mitigation measures. Our empirical material shows how the EU’s active engagement in ICAO contributed to the organization’s shift vis-à-vis the role of the aviation industry in greenhouse gas emissions. Besides the EU learning process that occurred and led to a more engaging and less conflictual EU approach in IMO, the ICAO achievement increased pressure and created a more conducive environment for the respective recognition of the maritime industry’s share in climate deterioration. In this respect, the EU benefited from the structure of the transport regime complex to pursue its own preferences.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/598
2018-12-12T07:20:31Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/598
2018-12-12T07:20:31Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 4, No 3 (2016): Supranational Institutions and Governance in an Era of Uncertain Norms; 100-110
The Federal Features of the EU: Lessons from Canada
Verdun, Amy; Department of Political Science, University of Victoria, Canada
2016-08-11 05:39:53
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/598
Canada; Canada–EU comparison; European Union; federalism; federation; political system
en
There has been a rise and fall in interest in federalism in the context of European integration. This article assesses the federal nature of the EU. It draws in particular on the work of Michael Burgess who has been one of the key thinkers on this issue. Because there are many types of ‘federalisms’ available across the globe, it is helpful to make a comparison with another political system to offer a base line. In this article I explore to what extent the EU already has federal features. With the help of the work of Burgess I seek to look beyond the specific characteristics of the EU and reflect on how a comparison with this other polity can offer us insights into what is going on within the EU political system. Drawing on the comparison with Canada, I seek to identify the characteristics of the EU that are already those of a federation. Therefore, the guiding question of this article is: compared to Canada, what particular features does the EU have that reminds us of a federation and what features is it still lacking? It finds that the EU has a considerable amount of federal features (federation), but that a federal tradition, a federal ideology and advocacy to a federal goal (federalism) are mostly absent.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/2
2023-12-27T09:02:42Z
politicsandgovernance:EDI
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/2
2023-12-27T09:02:42Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 2, No 1 (2014): Multidisciplinary Studies in Politics and Governance; 1-3
Governing Big Data
Zwitter, Andrej J.; Faculty of Law, University of Groningen, The Netherlands
Hadfield, Amelia; Department of Psychology, Politics and Sociology, Canterbury Christ Church University, UK
2014-04-14 00:00:00
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/2
Big Data; privacy; research
en
2.5 quintillion bytes of data are created every day through pictures, messages, gps-data, etc. "Big Data" is seen simultaneously as the new Philosophers Stone and Pandora's box: a source of great knowledge and power, but equally, the root of serious problems.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/4531
2021-12-14T11:07:11Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/4531
2021-12-14T11:07:11Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 9, No 4 (2021): Secessionism in Liberal Democracies: What Do We Really Know About the Explanations of Secessionism?; 426-438
The Relevance of Language as a Predictor of the Will for Independence in Catalonia in 1996 and 2020
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/download/4531/32288
Argelaguet, Jordi; Department of Political Science and Public Law, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, Spain
2021-12-10 10:00:43
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/4531
Catalonia; effective number of language groups; independence; language; logistic regression; secessionism; subjective national identity
en
The Catalan secessionist parties, if added together, have won all the elections to the Parliament of Catalonia from 2010 to 2021. Their voters have been increasingly mobilized since the start of the controversial reform process of the Statute of Autonomy (2004–2010). The aim of this article is twofold. First, it intends to test whether language is the strongest predictor in preferring independence in two separate and distinct moments, 1996 and 2020. And second, to assess whether its strength has changed—and how—between both years. Only the most exogenous variables to the dependent variable are used in each of two logistic regressions to avoid problems of endogeneity: sex, age, size of town of residence, place of birth of the individual and of their parents, first language (L1), and educational level. Among them, L1 was—and still is—the most powerful predictor, although it is not entirely determinative. The secessionist movement not only gathers a plurality of Catalan native speakers, but it receives a not insignificant level of support among those who have Spanish as their L1. Conversely, the unionist group, despite being composed primarily by people who have Spanish as their L1 and have their family origins outside Catalonia, has a native Catalan-speaking minority inside. This imperfect division, which is based on ethnolinguistic alignments—and whose relevance cannot be neglected—alleviates the likelihood of an ethnic-based conflict.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/2716
2020-05-28T04:49:15Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/2716
2020-05-28T04:49:15Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 8, No 2 (2020): Fighting Corruption in the Developed World: Dimensions, Patterns, Remedies; 140-152
Oversee and Punish: Understanding the Fight Against Corruption Involving Government Workers in Brazil
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/download/2716/15448
Odilla, Fernanda; Faculty of Social Science and Public Policy, King’s College London, UK
2020-05-28 04:39:59
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/2716
accountability; Brazil; bureaucracy; civil service; corruption; punishment
en
This exploratory study leverages a major dataset of official penalties against Brazilian bureaucrats enforced between January 2003 and November 2014, when 5,005 expulsive sanctions were enforced, 68.5% of which concerned acts of corruption. The analysis and discussion also integrate qualitative data gathered through 24 semi-structured interviews with civil servants who were integrity enforcers. Despite the rapid increase in the number of penalties enforced over the years, the creation of a robust set of disciplinary norms and an anti-corruption agency have not secured a fully operational horizontal accountability system within the executive. A great variance of corruption control was observed across agencies, manifested through disproportionate enforcement, not only of overall sanctions but also of corruption and non-corruption-related penalties. In light of the self‐protective behaviour of civil servants, who openly say they do not feel comfortable in the role of corruption fighters, the article advances an argument on ‘convenient accountability’—a kind of institutional abdication combined with a reluctance for peer monitoring, with outcomes that can be described as satisficing for integrity agents. This institutional aspect poses a risk to internal disciplinary systems and increases dependence upon external actors of accountability, compromising the efficiency of both.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/4569
2021-12-14T11:07:11Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/4569
2021-12-14T11:07:11Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 9, No 4 (2021): Secessionism in Liberal Democracies: What Do We Really Know About the Explanations of Secessionism?; 475-482
An Imperfect Firewall: Quebec’s Constitutional Right of Secession as a Device Against Domination
Pérez-Lozano, Lluís; Department of Political and Social Sciences, Pompeu Fabra University, Spain
2021-12-10 10:00:44
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/4569
Canada; constitutionalism; democracy; domination; factions; Quebec; republicanism; secession
Spain’s Ministry of Education, Culture and Sports [AP2009-4876].
en
The idea of including a right of secession in democratic constitutions has been discussed by different political and legal theorists; however, little has been said on the matter from the point of view of democratic-republican political philosophy. This article undertakes this effort by means of a normative analysis of Quebec’s constitutional right of secession, as outlined in the Quebec Secession Reference. This analysis shows how the non-unilateral nature of this right minimises the risks for republican freedom (as non-domination) and inclusion in the Quebec secession conflict, while the fact that it is limited to a national constitutional framework dampens this achievement.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/6663
2023-08-31T09:50:38Z
politicsandgovernance:EDI
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/6663
2023-08-31T09:50:38Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 11, No 2 (2023): Hate Speech, Demonization, Polarization, and Political Social Responsibility; 109-113
The Process of the Transfer of Hate Speech to Demonization and Social Polarization
Romero-Rodríguez, Luis M.; Department of Communication Sciences and Sociology, Rey Juan Carlos University, Spain / ESAI Business School, Universidad de Especialidades Espíritu Santo, Ecuador
Castillo-Abdul, Bárbara; Department of Communication Sciences and Sociology, Rey Juan Carlos University, Spain
Cuesta-Valiño, Pedro; Department of Economics and Business Administration, University of Alcalá, Spain
2023-05-17 09:19:42
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/6663
hate discourse; political communication; political responsibility; social media
We are living through a time of major political changes due to the rise of populist leaders and the resurgence of extreme ideological movements. The emergence of this phenomenon is due, to a large extent, to the ease with which these political actors can disseminate and spread their messages without any limits through social networks, leaving aside the former “fourth power” of the media as filterers and reinterpreters of information. Generally, the formula used by these leaders and movements is usually based on symbolic social division and polarization through hate speeches that allow demonizing their adversaries while antagonizing the issuers: a discursive “us” against “them” based on verbal violence to dehumanize an “exogroup.” We want to discuss the importance of understanding the process of communicational transfer—which begins with hate speech and evolves into demonization and social polarization—as a strategic basis for creating an ideal scenario for the growth and strengthening of populist discourse, which is reductionist and simplifying in nature.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/3292
2020-11-19T06:15:10Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/3292
2020-11-19T06:15:10Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 8, No 4 (2020): Rediscovering Nordic Cooperation; 33-43
Nordic Cooperation in the Nuclear Safety Sector: High, Low, or Differentiated Integration?
Kjøndal, Kjerstin; Department of Political Science and Management, University of Agder, Norway
2020-11-03 03:37:34
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/3292
historical institutionalism; integration; Nordic cooperation; nuclear safety; nuclear security; organization theory; radiation protection; safeguards
en
Nordic cooperation has been depicted as eroding due to the increased importance of EU-related cooperation and integration. However, scholars propose that longstanding Nordic networks, grounded in professions and located in the state administration, may prove to be more robust toward external changes. This article discusses this proposal by looking at Nordic cooperation between the national radiation protection and nuclear safety authorities in Iceland, Denmark, Norway, Sweden, and Finland. The article maps behavioural perceptions of agency staff based on a dataset of 37 interviews to illustrate if the cooperation between the Nordic authorities is characterized by high integration, low integration, or differentiated integration within the nuclear safety sector. The study finds that the cooperation is differentiated between the highly integrated areas of radiation protection and emergency preparedness, and the less integrated areas of nuclear security and safeguards. To account for variation, the data indicates the importance of path dependency and portfolio.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/1811
2019-07-02T04:48:04Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/1811
2019-07-02T04:48:04Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 7, No 2 (2019): The Politics, Promise and Peril of Direct Democracy; 173-186
Boosting Political Trust with Direct Democracy? The Case of the Finnish Citizens’ Initiative
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/download/1811/9405
Christensen, Henrik Serup; Social Science Research Institute—Samforsk, Åbo Akademi University, Finland
2019-06-27 04:28:36
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/1811
citizens’ initiative; direct democracy; Finland; political trust
Academy of Finland, Grant no. 285167: Democratic Innovations in Finland and Political Legitimacy
en
Complementing representative democracy with direct-democratic instruments is perceived to boost levels of political trust. This was why Finland in 2012 introduced an agenda initiative, which gives citizens the right to propose legislation and thereby provides citizens a say between elections. However, it remains unclear whether involvement in such mechanisms helps restore political trust and what factors shape developments in political trust during involvement. This article contributes to this research agenda by examining how using the Finnish agenda initiative affected developments in political trust. The study uses two surveys to determine developments in political trust: a four-wave panel survey (n = 809 - 1419) and a cross-sectional survey (n = 481) where the perceived change method is used. The results suggest that using the citizens’ initiative did not necessarily cause positive developments in political trust. Nevertheless, positive developments in political trust occurred when users achieved their intended aim and/or the process was seen as fair, which shows that direct-democratic instruments can increase levels of political trust under some circumstances.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/4427
2021-10-28T09:48:02Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/4427
2021-10-28T09:48:02Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 9, No 4 (2021): Climate Change and Security; 65-78
Transforming the Dynamics of Climate Politics in Japan: Business’ Response to Securitization
Yamada, Takahiro; Graduate School of Environmental Studies, Nagoya University, Japan
2021-10-22 09:50:31
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/4427
business community; climate policy; environmental politics; Japan; securitization
Japan Society for the Promotion of Science
en
In 2020, Japan suddenly changed course and made carbon neutrality its intermediate target. In an attempt to understand this drastic policy change, this article analyzes the effects of climate security discourses on the perception of the Japanese business community, which holds the pivotal position in Japan’s climate policy. It particularly focuses on the effect of securitization on the source–impact asymmetry, one of the intrinsic features identified as a major obstacle to effective climate governance. From this standpoint, the article measures the extent to which the issue of climate change has been securitized in Japan, and also the extent to which the Japanese business community has come to share the securitizers’ sense of exigency. In so doing, this article employs the text-mining method called KH Coder to analyze relevant government documents as well as statements issued by Keidanren (also known as Japan Business Federation). The analysis shows that the Ministry of the Environment together with other governmental actors has collectively securitized the issue within the context of Japanese society, but that its impact on industry has been indirect, pointing to the complexity of its causal impact.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/2478
2020-03-05T05:23:17Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/2478
2020-03-05T05:23:17Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 8, No 1 (2020): Leadership, Populism and Power; 146-157
Populist Disinformation: Exploring Intersections between Online Populism and Disinformation in the US and the Netherlands
Hameleers, Michael; Amsterdam School of Communication Research, University of Amsterdam, The Netherlands
2020-03-05 04:33:43
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/2478
disinformation; fake news; misinformation; populism; social networks
en
The discursive construction of a populist divide between the ‘good’ people and ‘corrupt’ elites can conceptually be linked to disinformation. More specifically, (right-wing) populists are not only attributing blame to the political elites, but increasingly vent anti-media sentiments in which the mainstream press is scapegoated for not representing the people. In an era of post-truth relativism, ‘fake news’ is increasingly politicized and used as a label to delegitimize political opponents or the press. To better understand the affinity between disinformation and populism, this article conceptualizes two relationships between these concepts: (1) blame attributions to the dishonest media as part of the corrupt elites that mislead the people; and (2) the expression of populist boundaries in a people-centric, anti-expert, and evidence-free way. The results of a comparative qualitative content analysis in the US and Netherlands indicate that the political leaders Donald Trump and Geert Wilders blame legacy media in populist ways by regarding them as part of the corrupt and lying establishment. Compared to left-wing populist and mainstream politicians, these politicians are the most central players in the discursive construction of populist disinformation. Both politicians bypassed empirical evidence and expert knowledge whilst prioritizing the people’s truth and common sense at the center stage of honesty and reality. These expressions resonated with public opinion on Facebook, although citizens were more likely to frame mis- and disinformation in terms of ideological cleavages. These findings have important implications for our understanding of the role of populist discourse in a post-factual era.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/6245
2022-11-02T09:12:54Z
politicsandgovernance:EDI
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/6245
2022-11-02T09:12:54Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 10, No 4 (2022): Gender and Illiberalism in Post-Communist Europe; 1-5
Gendering De‐Democratization: Gender and Illiberalism in Post‐Communist Europe
Bogaards, Matthijs; Department of Political Science, Central European University, Austria
Pető, Andrea; Department of Gender Studies, Central European University, Austria
2022-10-31 11:06:49
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/6245
autocratization; de‐democratization; equality; Europe; gender; illiberalism; LGBTQIA+; populism
Fritz Thyssen Stiftung
en
Many observers have written with concern about a growing “opposition to gender equality,” “anti‐gender campaigns,” and even a “war on gender.” Often, these trends take place in countries that are witnessing a decline in democratic quality, a process captured by such labels as “democratic erosion,” “democratic backsliding,” or “autocratization.” This thematic issue brings together literature on gender equality and de‐democratization with an emphasis on the role of illiberalism and a regional focus on post‐communist Europe.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/2925
2020-07-17T03:13:05Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/2925
2020-07-17T03:13:05Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 8, No 3 (2020): Populism and Polarization: A Dual Threat to Europe’s Liberal Democracies?; 6-18
Who Uses Right-Wing Alternative Online Media? An Exploration of Audience Characteristics
Schulze, Heidi; GESIS—Leibniz Institute for the Social Sciences, Germany
2020-07-17 03:43:47
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/2925
alternative online media; hyperpartisan media; immigration-critical; news distrust; populist communication; right-wing media; right-wing populist
en
Accompanying the success of the radical right and right-wing populist movements, right-wing alternative online media have recently gained prominence and, to some extent, influence on public discourse and elections. The existing scholarship so far focuses primarily on the role of content and social media distribution and pays little attention to the audiences of right-wing alternative media, especially at a cross-national level and in the European context. The present paper addresses this gap by exploring the characteristics of the audiences of right-wing alternative online media. Based on a secondary data analysis of the 2019 Reuters Digital News Survey, this article presents a cross-national analysis of right-wing alternative media use in Northern and Central Europe. The results indicate a comparatively high prevalence of right-wing alternative online media in Sweden, whereas in Germany, Austria, and Finland, these news websites seem to be far less popular. With regard to audience characteristics, the strongest predictors of right-wing alternative online media use are political interest and a critical stance towards immigration, accompanied by a skeptical assessment of news quality, in general, and distrust, especially in public service broadcasting media. Additionally, the use of social media as a primary news source increases the likelihood of right-wing alternative news consumption. This corroborates the high relevance of social media platforms as distributors and multipliers of right-wing alternative news content. The findings suggest that right-wing alternative online media should not be underestimated as a peripheral phenomenon, but rather have to be considered influential factors for center-right to radical right-leaning politics and audiences in public discourse, with a high mobilizing and polarizing potential.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/7469
2024-01-31T10:55:08Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/7469
2024-01-31T10:55:08Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 12 (2024): Active Labour Market Policies and Youth Employment in European Peripheries
The Youth Guarantee, Vulnerability, and Social Exclusion Among NEETs in Southern Europe
O'Higgins, Niall; International Labour Organization, Switzerland
Brockie, Kate; Department of Geography, University of Cambridge, UK
2024-01-31 09:58:25
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/7469
family responsibilities; NEET; social exclusion; Youth Guarantee; youth labour markets; youth unemployment
This paper was supported by the TRACK-IN - Public employment services tracking effectiveness in supporting rural NEETs. This project is funded by Iceland, Liechtenstein and Norway through the EEA and Norway Grants Fund for Youth Employment.
en
Young people neither in employment, education, or training (NEETs) are particularly vulnerable to social and economic exclusion. Indeed, recognition of this fact was a key motivating factor underlying the development of the Youth Guarantee. This article uses data from the EU Labour Force Survey and EU Statistics on Income and Living Conditions to examine how the characteristics of the NEET population and their associated vulnerability to social exclusion vary across different sub-groups of young NEETs and how this has changed in Italy, Portugal, and Spain since 2015. The analysis focuses on the determinants of NEET status, youth vulnerability to poverty and social exclusion, and also examines the propensity of young NEETs to engage with public employment services in order to assess the extent to which young people most at risk of social exclusion are within the purview of the Youth Guarantee’s activities. The article highlights how the composition and vulnerability of young NEETs have altered between 2015 and 2021. While the risks of poverty and social exclusion of long-term unemployed NEETs have remained unchanged since 2015, the vulnerability of the most at-risk subgroup of young people, those who are NEET due to family responsibilities, has become more pronounced. Moreover, the engagement with public employment services of the most at-risk NEET sub-groups has remained persistently low. The findings suggest that greater efforts are needed to remove the obstacles to labour market re-integration faced by the most vulnerable groups within the purview of the programme and, above all, young women with family responsibilities.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/4250
2021-08-17T11:16:15Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/4250
2021-08-17T11:16:15Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 9, No 3 (2021): Rising to a Challenge? Ten Years of Parliamentary Accountability of the European Semester; 124-134
Parliamentary Scrutiny of the European Semester: The Case of Poland
Schweiger, Christian; Chair for Comparative European Governance Systems, Institute for Political Science, Chemnitz University of Technology, Germany
2021-08-13 09:33:57
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/4250
economic governance; European Semester; European Union; national parliaments; Poland
en
The European Semester became an essential part of the revised governance architecture of the Europe 2020 reform strategy for the Single European Market under the conditions of the global financial crisis and the emerging eurozone crisis a decade ago. The article examines to what extent the European Semester offers channels to establish throughput legitimacy by granting national parliaments the ability to effectively scrutinise executive decision-making in the annual policy cycle. Poland is chosen as the case study for parliamentary scrutiny of the EU’s system of multi-level governance in the East-Central European region. The analysis adopts a liberal intergovernmentalist two-level approach. On the domestic level it concentrates on the involvement of the Sejm, the lower house of parliament, on the drafting of the Polish National Reform Plans for the annual Semester policy cycle between 2015 and 2020. The basis for the analysis are official transcripts from the plenary debates in the relevant committees, the European Affairs Committee and the Public Finance and the Economic Committee. The Polish case study illustrates that the European Semester represents a predominantly elite-driven process of policy coordination, which is strongly geared towards EU-level executive bargaining processes between national governments and the European Commission at the expense of domestic parliamentary scrutiny.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/2057
2019-11-13T05:58:45Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/2057
2019-11-13T05:58:45Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 7, No 4 (2019): New Perspectives on Food Democracy; 142-153
Food Democracy for All? Developing a Food Hub in the Context of Socio-Economic Deprivation
Prost, Sebastian; Open Lab, School of Architecture Planning and Landscape, Newcastle University, UK
2019-10-28 05:20:50
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/2057
civic food networks; food democracy; food hubs; participatory action research; social justice; sustainability
EPSRC; Newcastle University; Meadow Well Connected
en
This article proposes a localised and differentiated understanding of food democracy, or rather a plurality of localised food democracies. Based on the experiences of developing a local food hub in an area of socio-economic deprivation in the UK using a participatory action research (PAR) approach, it presents local responses to three key challenges derived from the literature. It argues that for civic food networks (CFNs) to contribute to a transition towards a food democracy, they need to address challenges of: 1) balancing ethical aspirations for environmental sustainability, social justice, as well as community and individual health; 2) developing the skills required for participation in CFNs; and 3) achieving wider impact on food system transformation beyond niche solutions. The responses, or tactics, presented in this article include flexible ethical standards responding to community needs, accessible participation focusing on relationships rather than skills, and a focus on local impact while striving to collaborate and network with other organisations. It thus frames food democracy as a plurality of approaches to build and replicate CFNs. The article positions PAR with its democratic and localised approach to address real-world problems as uniquely suited to navigate the challenges of CFNs. It also discusses the role of researchers in initiating, facilitating, and shaping such processes of food system democratisation as engaged actors.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/7231
2023-12-19T16:12:23Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/7231
2023-12-19T16:12:23Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 11, No 4 (2023): Economic Security and the Politics of Trade and Investment Policy in Europe; 154-164
Arming Fortress Europe? Spaces and Instruments of Economic Patriotism in EU Armament Policy
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/download/7231/45815
Hoeffler, Catherine; Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies, European University Institute, Italy / Centre Émile Durkheim, Sciences Po Bordeaux, France
2023-11-29 09:19:55
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/7231
armament; Common Security and Defence Policy; economic nationalism; economic patriotism; European geopolitics; Fortress Europe
en
How does the EU adapt its policies in response to current global changes? Extant scholarship has shed light on the EU’s geopolitical turn by analysing it as either a shift away from neoliberalism or a reshuffling of EU–US relations. This article makes the case for studying how these two dynamics interact. To do so, I draw on the economic patriotism framework, which focuses on the links between types and spaces of economic interventionism. Economic patriotism instruments can take various forms depending on their type (liberal/protectionist instruments) and space of reference (national/EU/transatlantic/international). From this perspective, the EU has responded to global changes by shifting from liberal to protectionist instruments of economic patriotism. However, the design of these policy instruments reflects compromises between the preferences of policymakers who adopt liberal/protectionist and Europeanist/Atlanticist positions. As policy instruments can create room for compromise because they allow various positions to converge, EU protectionist economic instruments cater to Atlanticist and liberal preferences too. This article illustrates this argument by means of EU armament policy. Using official documents and interviews, I analyse changes in EU economic patriotism by looking at the two major policy instruments: the 2009 Defence Procurement Directive and the 2021 European Defence Fund. Whereas the 2009 Directive reflected liberal economic patriotism anchored in the transatlantic space, the European Defence Fund illustrates tensions between types and spaces of economic interventionism in the EU’s geopolitical turn: Some clauses protect the EU from foreign interference, but its political-economic space of reference remains strongly transatlantic.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/309
2018-12-12T07:20:29Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/309
2018-12-12T07:20:29Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 3, No 4 (2015): Mass Atrocity Prevention (Part II); 56-67
R2P’s “Ulterior Motive Exemption” and the Failure to Protect in Libya
Bachman, Jeffrey; School of International Service, American University, Washington, USA
2015-11-26 11:02:03
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/309
humanitarian intervention; Libya; NATO; R2P
en
Mass atrocity prevention has been controversial, both when members of the international community have taken action as well as when they have failed to do so. In 1999, then UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan challenged the international community to reconcile the need to respect state sovereignty with the need to protect populations from egregious human rights violations. R2P’s emergence offered an opportunity to move past the discourse and practice associated with its predecessor—“humanitarian intervention.” However, while R2P has succeeded in changing the discourse, it has failed to make a change in practice. A source of this failure is R2P’s “ulterior motive exemption.” Using the R2P intervention in Libya as a case study, this article concludes that because ulterior motives existed: (1) NATO’s primary intent of civilian protection quickly evolved into the intent to overthrow Muammar Qaddafi; (2) in exceeding its mandate, NATO committed an act of aggression; (3) NATO continued to militarily support the rebels while they were committing war crimes and severe human rights violations; (4) NATO’s actions resulted in civilian casualties, which NATO has refused to investigate; and (5) NATO abdicated its responsibility to protect Libyans from the human suffering that continued subsequent to Qaddafi’s execution.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/3935
2021-06-01T08:18:34Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/3935
2021-06-01T08:18:34Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 9, No 2 (2021): Reforming the Institutions of Eurozone Governance; 208-218
European Financial Governance: FTT Reform, Controversies and Governments’ Responsiveness
van Loon, Aukje; Chair of International Politics, Faculty of Social Science, Ruhr University Bochum, Germany
2021-05-27 03:43:26
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/3935
domestic politics; financial regulation; financial transaction tax; France; Germany; government preferences; Ireland; political argumentation
en
The Eurozone crisis exposed the incompleteness of the Economic and Monetary Union’s governance framework thereby prompting the promotion of a multitude of reform packages and proposals. This simultaneously induced conflict among EU governments on both design and content of such reforms. In case of the financial transaction tax (FTT) proposal, which failed to garner consensus among member governments, it illustrates Ireland’s disapproval clashing with favorable German and French stances. While these governments aligned on the necessity to reform, the process of harmonizing EU financial governance proved rather difficult. In analyzing governments’ variation of reform support or opposition, the societal approach to governmental preference formation is employed. This is considerably conducive in directing academic attention to the role of two explanatory variables, domestic material interests and value-based ideas, in shaping governments’ reform positions. This article encompasses a comprehensive comparative account of domestic preference formation and responsiveness of three EU governments (France, Germany and Ireland), in the case study of the FTT, and demonstrates that the two societal dynamics are prone to have played a role in shaping financial reform controversies. By building on and contributing to Eurozone crisis literature, this approach seems appropriate in analyzing financial governance reform due to the crisis’ domestic impact resulting in increased public salience, issue politicization and an advanced role of elected politicians.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/1267
2019-07-02T04:47:59Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/1267
2019-07-02T04:47:59Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 6, No 3 (2018): Multidisciplinary Studies in Politics and Governance; 136-146
Patterns of Conflict and Mobilization: Mapping Interest Group Activity in EU Legislative Policymaking
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/download/1267/5625
Wonka, Arndt; Bremen International Graduate School of Social Sciences, University of Bremen, Germany
De Bruycker, Iskander; Department of Political Science, University of Antwerp, Belgium
De Bièvre, Dirk; Department of Political Science, University of Antwerp, Belgium
Braun, Caelesta; Institute of Public Administration, University of Leiden, The Netherlands
Beyers, Jan; University of Antwerp
2018-09-26 08:06:30
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/1267
European Union; interest groups; legislative policy-making; mobilization; political conflict
European Research Council; Flemish Research Council
en
Contemporary studies on interest group politics have mainly used single interest organizations as their central objects of study. This has led to a rich body of knowledge on the motivations of interest group mobilization, strategy development and even policy access and influence. The focus on single interest groups, however, has resulted in limited knowledge on aggregate patterns of interest groups’ activity. This article seeks to address this lacuna, by examining patterns of mobilization and conflict of interest groups’ activity in EU legislative policymaking. To do so, it adopts a unique policy-centred research design and an empirical assessment of policy mobilization for a sample of 125 EU legislative proposals based on extensive media coding as well as structured elite interviews. We find that levels of policy mobilization vary substantively across different legislative proposals and that political conflict between interest groups is remarkably low. This suggests that interest group conflict and mobilization contribute little to EU politicization and that in cases where interest groups voice opposing positions, conflicts do not occur between business and non-business groups. Our findings have important implications for our understanding of interest groups in EU legislative policymaking.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/5323
2022-07-18T17:05:40Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/5323
2022-07-18T17:05:40Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 10, No 3 (2022): Constructing Ocean and Polar Governance; 41-50
The Territorialization of the Global Commons: Evidence From Ocean Governance
Lambach, Daniel; Research Centre Normative Orders, Goethe-Universität Frankfurt, Germany
2022-07-14 10:48:41
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/5323
global commons; governance; ocean; territory
en
The international system of states displays an inherent drive to territorialize the global commons. But territorialization is not a continuous process—it occurs in episodes. In this article, I use one case from ocean governance, the expansion of territory into near-shore areas of the seas, to advance a twofold argument about the nature of these episodes. First, I argue that the root causes of this drive to territorialize “empty space” are located in global politics, norms, and economics. Second, a territorializing episode occurs when there are impelling economic incentives, and when great powers are unable or unwilling to oppose territorialization. However, this can lead to different outcomes: sovereign territories, functional territories, or internationalized territories. Oceanic space has seen a series of these territorializing episodes since the end of the Second World War and functional territorialization has become more prevalent over time.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/6769
2023-09-12T14:11:47Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/6769
2023-09-12T14:11:47Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 11, No 3 (2023): Publics in Global Politics; 120-133
From “Bangtan Boys” to “International Relations Professor”: Mapping Self‐Identifications in the UN’s Twitter Public
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/download/6769/42796
Aue, Luis; Department of History, Humboldt University Berlin, Germany
Börgel, Florian; Leibniz Institute for Baltic Sea Research Warnemünde, Germany
2023-08-31 10:48:04
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/6769
big data; international organizations; publics; Twitter; UN
en
Digitalization and social media established world-encompassing publics that engage with international organizations. While scholarship has analyzed how international organizations communicate with such digital publics, this article determines who participates in these publics. We created a novel dataset to map the UN’s digital public on Twitter and analyzed the bios of 243,168 accounts that have interacted with the UN. Members of this public provide self-identifications (such as researcher, consultant, or scientist) that indicate a professional interest in the UN. We analyzed clusters of users that self-identify with similar words. We find high heterogeneity in the UN’s digital public: Clusters of professional, academic, and organizational users suggest that the technocratic history of international organizations reflects in the members of its digital public. At the same time, the digital public of the UN extends to very different groups (human rights activists and K-Pop fans feature in the UN’s public on Twitter). We demonstrate for future research how multiple correspondence analysis can reveal clusters in unstructured biographical data. The article contributes the first analysis of self-identifications in digital publics of global politics.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/920
2018-12-12T07:20:32Z
politicsandgovernance:COM
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/920
2018-12-12T07:20:32Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 5, No 2 (2017): Multidisciplinary Studies in Politics and Governance; 1-3
Brexit and Devolution in the United Kingdom
Keating, Michael; School of Social Sciences, University of Aberdeen, UK
2017-03-22 10:20:54
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/920
Brexit; devolution; Europe; United Kingdom
Economic and Social Research Council
en
Devolution in the United Kingdom is deeply connected to United Kingdom membership of the European Union, which provides an external support system for the internal settlement. Exit from the European Union destabilizes the internal settlement and raises a series of major constitutional issues.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/81
2020-07-22T04:32:50Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/81
2020-07-22T04:32:50Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 3, No 1 (2015): The Role of Expert Knowledge in EU Executive Institutions; 73-89
Expertise and Power: Agencies Operating in Complex Environments
Zito, Anthony R.; School of Geography, Politics and Sociology, Newcastle University, UK
2015-03-31 04:11:07
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/81
climate change; environment agency; European Union; governance; learning; principal agent
Leverhulme Trust; British Academy; Newcastle University
en
This contribution investigates the strategies that environmental agencies develop to enhance their policy autonomy, in order to fulfil their organisational missions for protecting the environment. This article asks whether there are particular strategic moves that an agency can make to augment this policy autonomy in the face of the principals. Critiquing principal agent theory, it investigates the evolution of three environmental agencies (the European Environment Agency, the England and Wales Environment Agency and the United States Environmental Protection Agency), focusing on the case study of climate change. The contribution examines how the agencies influence environmental policy on domestic, regional and global levels, with a special focus on the principals that constrain agency autonomy. A greater focus on different multi-level contexts, which the three agencies face, may create other possible dynamics and opportunities for agency strategies. Agencies can use particular knowledge, network and alliance building to strengthen their policy/political positions.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/3590
2021-03-02T04:49:35Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/3590
2021-03-02T04:49:35Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 9, No 1 (2021): The 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development: Transformative Change through Sustainable Development Goals?; 176-186
SDG Implementation through Technology? Governing Food-Water-Technology Nexus Challenges in Urban Agriculture
Schwindenhammer, Sandra; Institute of Political Science, Justus Liebig University Giessen, Germany
Gonglach, Denise; Institute of Political Science, Justus Liebig University Giessen, Germany
2021-02-26 03:32:42
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/3590
cross-sectoral governance; food-water-technology nexus; Germany; participatory research method; SDG implementation; technology innovation; urban agriculture; wastewater treatment
German Federal Ministry of Education and Research
en
The 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development emphasizes the importance of technology as a pillar for the implementation of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). Technology innovation promises benefits especially for the implementation of SDG 2 to end hunger, achieve food security and improved nutrition, and promote sustainable agriculture. Contributing to current debates on SDG implementation, technology innovation, and cross-sectoral governance, we argue that technology innovation carries both the potential to contribute to global goal implementation and the risk of posing new governance challenges. Applying a food-water-technology nexus (FWTN) perspective, we conduct a case study on an emerging technology in urban agricultural production in Germany. The technology connects the wastewater treatment system and the agricultural production system and projects the transformation of a conventional sewage treatment plant into a ‘NEWtrient®-Center,’ which draws the essential resources for urban hydroponic plant cultivation from municipal wastewater. Building on qualitative and participatory research methods, the study provides deeper insights into the governance implications of FWTN issues stemming from the emerging technology. The analysis shows that this technology has the potential to facilitate SDG implementation, but simultaneously fuels new sector interlinkages between water and food and policy demands that substantiate the need for more integrated policymaking to ensure the smart use of technology to reach the SDGs.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/1213
2018-12-12T07:20:34Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/1213
2018-12-12T07:20:34Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 6, No 1 (2018): Co-Producing Urban Governance for Social Innovation; 161-168
Everyday Radicalism and the Democratic Imagination: Dissensus, Rebellion and Utopia
Silver, Daniel; Department of Politics, University of Manchester, UK
2018-04-03 04:35:30
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/1213
democracy; governance; political economy; prefigurative; radical; utopia
Economic and Social Research Council
en
The prevalence of social injustice suggests the need for radical transformation of political economy and governance. This article develops the concept of ‘everyday radicalism’, which positions the everyday as a potential site of social change. Everyday radicalism is based on three main elements: dissensus and a rupture with dominant practices; collective rebellion and the creation of alternatives on a micro-scale; and the connection of these practices with utopian ideas to be able to develop strategies for social justice. The potential application of everyday radicalism is illustrated through a case study of a women’s social intervention in Manchester. The article aims to show how everyday radicalism has the potential to contribute knowledge towards the transformation of everyday life and the institutions that govern society.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/4887
2022-05-18T12:52:04Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/4887
2022-05-18T12:52:04Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 10, No 2 (2022): Developing Countries and the Crisis of the Multilateral Order; 25-39
Dimensions and Cartography of Dirty Money in Developing Countries: Tripping Up on the Global Hydra
Madrueño, Rogelio; Center for Advanced Security, Strategic and Integration Studies, University of Bonn, Germany
Silberberger, Magdalene; Department of Philosophy, Politics and Economics, Witten/Herdecke University, Germany / Institute for Social and Institutional Change, Witten/Herdecke University, Germany
2022-04-21 10:26:27
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/4887
developing countries; financial globalization; global governance; illicit financial flows
en
This article aims to analyze the challenges posed by the illicit financial flows (IFFs) that emerged from the consolidation and globalization of financial markets and the persistent and rising inequality of wealth and income. In a first step, we show the key dimensions behind IFFs (governance, trade, finance, taxation, monetary), which affect the multilateral order and promote new relations of dependence between the Global North and the Global South. In a second step, we analyze the cartographic representation of the developing world regarding the challenges posed by IFFs. We argue that IFFs are a subproduct of inefficient international policies and multilateral regulatory frameworks that have decreased the scope of action of nation-states and reduced the incentives for them to cooperate in certain areas of financial markets and global governance, such as international cooperation on tax and IFFs. In the article, we examine the multidimensionality of IFFs through multivariate techniques: More specifically, we use factor and cluster analysis methods based on the most recent information available between 2015 and 2020. Factor analysis reveals four main components behind this global problem: governance issues, foreign direct investment and trade-related issues, bank stability, and taxation. A clustering hierarchical solution provides four clusters of developing countries, in terms of phantom investment and trade misinvoicing, revealing the heterogeneous composition and shortcomings of the Global South. These results help understand the complexities behind IFFs and highlight the relevance of tailored actions to promote a more effective global governance system.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/6375
2023-08-31T09:50:38Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/6375
2023-08-31T09:50:38Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 11, No 2 (2023): Hate Speech, Demonization, Polarization, and Political Social Responsibility; 198-209
“My Way or No Way”: Political Polarization and Disagreement Among Immigrant Influencers and Their Followers
Jaramillo-Dent, Daniela; Department of Communication and Media Research, Media Change, and Innovation Division, University of Zurich, Switzerland
2023-05-17 09:19:43
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/6375
debate; immigration; influencers; Instagram; platforms; political polarization; social media; TikTok; United States of America
en
This article explores the online discussions between Carlos and Lizzy, two Latin American immigrant influencers in the United States with profiles on TikTok and Instagram. The dataset comprises a 90-minute live debate between them, that took place on September 25th, 2021, broadcast on Instagram and available on one of the profiles, as well as 1200 comments by 933 different viewers, received during the broadcast. The analysis relies on previous research on polarization, deliberation, and disagreement on social media platforms and it provides insights regarding the political and ideological diversity that exists among immigrant influencers and their followers. It focuses on the discursive strategies deployed by these content creators to discuss issues related to immigration reform and activism from two distinct political stances. It also provides a glimpse into topics of interest for the immigrant community as reflected by these content creators and commenting followers. The findings reflect the value of the ongoing relationship between content creators and their followers in the personal support and acceptance Carlos receives. In contrast, Lizzy is largely rejected and attacked, but a few of her arguments resonate with viewers. Comments about the debate itself are mostly negative due to the perceived low quality of the arguments, the mocking attitude of both debaters, and the need for a moderator to control the times. Comments that are critical of the debate often describe expectations of a more civil discussion and pathways to improve future debates.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/3106
2020-12-17T09:59:55Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/3106
2020-12-17T09:59:55Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 8, No 4 (2020): The Politics of Disaster Governance; 386-394
Building a Disaster-Resilient Community in Taiwan: A Social Capital Analysis of the Meizhou Experience
Yang, Alan Hao; Graduate Institute of East Asian Studies, National Chengchi University, Taiwan / Institute of International Relations, National Chengchi University, Taiwan
Wu, Judy Shu-Hsien; Graduate Institute of East Asian Studies, National Chengchi University, Taiwan
2020-12-10 05:23:33
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/3106
community-based governance; disaster preparedness; disaster resilience; Meizhou; social capital; Taiwan
Mei-Zhou Community; TAEF; CSEAS
en
Resilience has always been key to successful disaster governance throughout the world. Local communities can play an important role in promoting disaster preparedness and executing front-line relief to strengthen the effectiveness and efficiency of both local and national disaster governance. This article addresses a unique case of how a flood-prone, rural, and ageing community in Yilan County, Taiwan, successfully mobilized its citizens for disaster preparedness. Through the lens of social capital analysis, this article unpacks how Bonding Social Capital, Bridging Social Capital, and Linking Social Capital work, by tracing the process through which awareness of disaster resilience was developed and practised in the Meizhou Community. Since 2012, Meizhou has been recognized as a model of disaster preparedness and relief in Taiwan, and in 2019 this recognition was extended to the wider Indo-Pacific region. We begin the discussion of this article by contextualizing social capital as a theoretical departure to the empirical analysis of the Meizhou experience. This is followed by an exploration of how Bonding Social Capital was able to consolidate the community, and how Bridging Social Capital can facilitate the collaboration among functional groups in and beyond the Meizhou locality, and to what extent Linking Social Capital can implement Meizhou’s experience on a national and even international scale. This article is based on a qualitative assessment of long-term fieldwork, interviews, and participatory observation conducted by the authors in the Meizhou community.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/2880
2020-09-18T07:41:45Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/2880
2020-09-18T07:41:45Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 8, No 3 (2020): Trans* Politics: Current Challenges and Contestations; 290-300
From Medical to Human-Rights Norms: Examining the Evolution of Trans Norms in the Netherlands
Soto-Lafontaine, Melisa; Institute of Management Research, Radboud University Nijmegen, The Netherlands
2020-09-18 08:04:39
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/2880
human rights; medical norms; non-state actors; norm entrepreneurship; norm diffusion; norm emergence; trans* rights; transgender politics; the Netherlands
en
Examining the dynamics underpinning the evolution of trans norms in the Netherlands, from their emergence there in 1952 up until 2019, this article traces their development through four historical phases, each marked by notable milestones and supported by different sets of frames, actors, and norm-change mechanisms. My analysis shows that the normative profile of trans issues in the Netherlands has long been ruled by medical frames, but the last decades have also witnessed the emergence and establishment of a new set of frames rooted in human-rights discourses. By tracing the trajectory of trans norms in the Netherlands and examining the mechanisms underlying the emergence and changes of frames, this article contributes to the theoretical body of studies on norm diffusion by introducing the role of hybrid entrepreneurs, the dynamic co-assembling of medical and legal domains and the self-lead trans emancipation as a social entrepreneurial strategy.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/1830
2019-07-02T04:48:07Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/1830
2019-07-02T04:48:07Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 7, No 2 (2019): Aid Impact and Effectiveness; 29-52
Effects of Foreign Aid on Income through International Trade
Martinez-Zarzoso, Inmaculada; Department of Economics, University of Goettingen, Germany / Institute of International Economics, University Jaume I, Spain
2019-06-05 05:11:02
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/1830
bilateral aid; development aid; exports; foreign aid; free trade agreements; income; international trade
en
This article presents a review of recent studies that estimate the trade effects of foreign aid. It also provides new results obtained using panel data techniques to estimate the direct effects of aid on international trade accounting for countries’ participation in free trade agreements, and the indirect effects that aid exerts on income through trade. A structural gravity model of trade augmented with aid and free trade agreement variables is estimated for a cross-section of 33 donor countries and 125 recipient countries over the period 1995 to 2016. In a second step, the indirect effect of aid on income is estimated using a control function approach and instrumental variable techniques. The main results indicate that development aid has a robust direct effect on donor exports (the effect on recipient exports, however, is not robust). It also has an indirect positive effect on income levels in the recipient countries. The effects are heterogeneous and vary by region.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/8089
2024-03-13T11:06:15Z
politicsandgovernance:EDI
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/8089
2024-03-13T11:06:15Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 12 (2024): The Political Representation and Participation of Migrants
The Political Participation and Representation of Migrants: An Overview
Soare, Sorina; Department of Political Science, University of Florence, Italy
Gherghina, Sergiu; Department of Politics and International Relations, University of Glasgow, UK
2024-03-13 10:04:40
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/8089
democracy; elections; migrants; political participation; representation
en
This thematic issue covers the participation and representation of migrants in contemporary politics. It focuses on two interconnected analytical dimensions: countries of residence and countries of origin, as arenas of political engagement and the supply and demand sides of political representation. The articles in the thematic issue advance the existing knowledge in migration studies and party politics both theoretically and empirically. They do so by proposing innovative analytical frameworks to assess the extent of participation and representation and by bringing evidence that fosters a better understanding of the intricate relationship between migration and politics.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/4306
2021-10-06T06:07:57Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/4306
2021-10-06T06:07:57Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 9, No 3 (2021): Climate Governance and the European Green Deal in Turbulent Times; 370-379
The European Green Deal: What Prospects for Governing Climate Change With Policy Monitoring?
Schoenefeld, Jonas J.; Institute for Housing and Environment (IWU), Germany / Tyndall Centre for Climate Change Research, School of Environmental Sciences, University of East Anglia, UK
2021-09-30 09:53:10
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/4306
climate policy; energy efficiency; energy policy; Energy Union; European Green Deal; Monitoring Mechanism; Paris Agreement; policy monitoring; renewable energy; soft governance
German Federal Ministry of Education and Research (Reference: 03SFK4P0, Consortium ENavi, Kopernikus)
en
The European Green Deal (EGD) puts forward and engages with review mechanisms, such as the European Semester and policy monitoring, to ensure progress towards the long-term climate targets in a turbulent policy environment. Soft-governance mechanisms through policy monitoring have been long in the making, but their design, effects, and politics remain surprisingly under-researched. While some scholars have stressed their importance to climate governance, others have highlighted the difficulties in implementing robust policy monitoring systems, suggesting that they are neither self-implementing nor apolitical. This article advances knowledge on climate policy monitoring in the EU by proposing a new analytical framework to better understand past, present, and potential future policy monitoring efforts, especially in the context of the EGD. Drawing on Lasswell (1965), it unpacks the politics of policy monitoring by analysing who monitors, what, why, when, and with what effect(s). The article discusses each element of the framework with a view to three key climate policy monitoring efforts in the EU which are particularly relevant for the EGD, namely those emerging from the Energy Efficiency Directive, the Renewable Energy Directive, and the Monitoring Mechanism Regulation (now included in the Energy Union Governance Regulation), as well as related processes for illustration. Doing so reveals that the policy monitoring regimes were set up differently in each case, that definitions of the subject of monitoring (i.e., public policies) either differ or remain elusive, and that the corresponding political and policy impact of monitoring varies. The article concludes by reflecting on the implications of the findings for governing climate change by means of monitoring through the emerging EGD.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/2458
2020-03-05T05:19:04Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/2458
2020-03-05T05:19:04Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 8, No 1 (2020): Political Behavior in the EU Multi-Level System; 50-60
Living Apart Together? The Organization of Political Parties beyond the Nation-State: The Flemish Case
Pittoors, Gilles; Ghent Association for the Study of Parties and Representation, Department of Political Science, Ghent University, Belgium
2020-02-13 06:06:42
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/2458
European Union; multilevel democracy; political parties; vertical integration
en
This article aims to contribute both theoretically and empirically to the study of political parties in the EU context, focusing on party organisation. Theoretically, it draws on insights from various literatures to develop a novel typology of multilevel party organisation specific to the EU context. It argues that parties are goal-seeking actors that choose their organisation based on a cost-benefit analysis, involving both party characteristics and the institutional context. Empirically, the article applies this framework on the Flemish political parties. It finds that rational goal-seeking behaviour cannot fully account for parties’ organisational choices. Results show that normative and historical considerations play a crucial role in parties’ cost-benefit analysis. It therefore calls upon future research to expand the number of comparative studies and to further assess parties’ goal-seeking behaviour regarding their multilevel organisation.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/5516
2022-11-02T09:12:54Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/5516
2022-11-02T09:12:54Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 10, No 4 (2022): Gender and Illiberalism in Post-Communist Europe; 49-60
The Gendered Discourses of Illiberal Demographic Policy in Poland and in Russia
Gaweda, Barbara; Faculty of Social Sciences, Tampere University, Finland
2022-10-31 11:06:50
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/5516
demographic policy; discourse; gender; illiberalism; Poland; Russia
en
Despite being dissimilar cases, both Poland and Russia exhibit strong anti-liberal and democratic backsliding tendencies. Concomitantly, politicians are spreading a demographic moral panic, employing the argument that both nations are in danger of demise. There is scaremongering concerning below-replacement population growth rates and, in parallel, a tightening grasp on reproductive health rights and a growing fear of non-binary gender identities, people of color, and homosexuality. The political anti-gender mobilization in Poland in the 2010s and the gendered anti-Western and anti-gay conspiracy narratives in Russia are examples of this phenomenon. How are the policy responses to “demographic crises” constructed and gendered in political discourses today? What lies behind it and what is its role in illiberal politics? In this article, I discuss the current demographic discourses in Poland and in Russia. I argue that the politics of rallying against “demographic crises” surfaced on the wave of growing dominance of ultraconservative and nationalist discourses in East-Central Europe in response to perceived socio-economic pressures. I demonstrate how Polish and Russian politicians have been utilizing nativism, familialism, and “tradition” discourses for reasons of political legitimacy and expediency. Looking at political debates and concrete demographic strategies, I trace how the rhetoric of “democratic crises” is deployed to shore up illiberalism in both countries.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/4932
2021-10-28T09:48:02Z
politicsandgovernance:EDI
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/4932
2021-10-28T09:48:02Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 9, No 4 (2021): Climate Change and Security; 1-4
Climate Change and Security: Filling Remaining Gaps
Kameyama, Yasuko; Social Systems Division, National Institute for Environmental Studies, Japan
Takamura, Yukari; Institute for Future Initiatives, The University of Tokyo, Japan
2021-10-22 09:50:30
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/4932
climate change; conflict; discourse; human security; management; risk; security
Environment Research and Technology Development Fund of the Environmental Restoration and Conservation Agency (ERCA) of Japan
en
As perception of climate change as a threat to humanity and to ecosystems grows, the rapidly growing literature increasingly refers to the notion of “climate change and security,” for which there is as yet no single agreed definition. Despite the extent of literature already published, there are at least three remaining gaps: (1) Added theoretical value: How does “climate change and security” differ from similar notions such as “climate crisis” and “climate emergency”? What theoretical gains can be made by securing against climate change? (2) Role of non-state actors: The traditional concept of security is tightly bound to the notion of national security, but the climate change and security discourse opens the door to the participation of non-state actors such as the business sector, local government, and citizens. How do they take part in ensuring security? (3) Regional imbalance: Most of the literature on climate change and security published so far comes from Europe and North America. As other regions, such as Asia, are just as affected, more voices should be heard from those regions. This issue aims to address some of these gaps. The nine articles in this issue address the notion of “climate change and security” through empirical work while theoretically contributing to several themes relating to the climate change and security discourse.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/7415
2024-01-31T10:51:00Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/7415
2024-01-31T10:51:00Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 12 (2024): Active Labour Market Policies and Youth Employment in European Peripheries
Subjective Well‐Being of NEETs and Employability: A Study of Non‐Urban Youths in Spain, Italy, and Portugal
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/download/7415/47114
Mazzocchi, Paolo; Department of Management and Quantitative Studies, University of Naples Parthenope, Italy
Agahi, Omeed; School of Education and Psychology, University of Girona, Spain
Beilmann, Mai; Institute of Social Studies, University of Tartu, Estonia
Bettencourt, Leonor; Instituto Universitário de Lisboa (ISCTE), CIS‐Iscte, Lisboa, Portugal
Brazienė, Rūta; Faculty of Philosophy, Vilnius University, Lithuania
Edisherashvili, Natalia; Institute of Education, University of Tartu, Estonia
Keranova, Dilyana; South‐West University “Neofit Rilski,” Bulgaria
Marta, Elena; Research Centre on Community Development and Organisational Quality of Life (CERISVICO), Università Cattolica del
Sacro Cuore, Italy
Milenkova, Valentina; South‐West University “Neofit Rilski,” Bulgaria
O’Higgins, Niall; International Labour Organization, Switzerland
Pizzolante, Federica; Department of Management and Quantitative Studies, University of Naples Parthenope, Italy
Prieto-Flores, Òscar; School of Education and Psychology, University of Girona, Spain
Rocca, Antonella; Department of Management and Quantitative Studies, University of Naples Parthenope, Italy
Rodrigues, Ricardo Borges; Instituto Universitário de Lisboa (ISCTE), CIS‐Iscte, Lisboa, Portugal
Rosa, Miriam; Instituto Universitário de Lisboa (ISCTE), CIS‐Iscte, Lisboa, Portugal
Simões, Francisco; Instituto Universitário de Lisboa (ISCTE), CIS‐Iscte, Lisboa, Portugal
Yurukov, Borislav; South‐West University “Neofit Rilski,” Bulgaria
2024-01-31 09:58:25
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/7415
European Union; Italy; NEETs; non‐urban youths; Portugal; public employment services; Spain; well‐being
EEA and Norway Grants Fund for Youth Employment
en
Subjective well-being is of paramount importance when support is offered to young individuals seeking employment and social inclusion in general. The present study looks at different dimensions of youth well-being and the growing demands for skills to enable labour market integration. Based on survey data, this article examines the relationships between the role of public employment services in providing support and their impact on the subjective well-being of youth. Specifically, 1,275 not in education, employment, or training (NEET) rural youths from Italy, Portugal, and Spain participated in the survey. Drawing upon Bronfenbrenner’s bioecological model, the current study sets up a model which includes different factors at the micro-, meso-, exo-, and macro-system levels. The results show that non-urban NEETs’ subjective well-being is associated positively with public employment services availability, while the relationship with public employment services interaction and public employment services support is non-significant. A positive and significant relationship emerged also with self-efficacy and social support. Some recommendations for policymakers are discussed.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/4069
2021-08-03T14:09:14Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/4069
2021-08-03T14:09:14Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 9, No 3 (2021): Resilient Institutions: The Impact of Rule Change on Policy Outputs in European Union Decision-Making Processes; 29-39
Punching Below Its Weight: The Role of the European Parliament in Politicised Consultation Procedures
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/download/4069/29668
Vinciguerra, Maria Chiara; Department of Politics and International Studies, University of Cambridge, UK / Centre d’Etude de la Vie Politique (Cevipol), Université Libre de Bruxelles, Belgium
2021-07-30 10:16:43
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/4069
area of freedom, security and justice; consultation procedure; European institutions; European Parliament; governance; migration crisis; policy-making; power; preference formation; two-level game
Wiener-Anspach Foundation
en
With Lisbon, the European Parliament formally acquired an equal standing to that of the Council of the EU in the making of policies in the AFSJ (area of freedom, security and justice). However, the growing political salience of policy issues at stake and bottom-up politicisation in the AFSJ has had the unintended effect of undermining the European Parliament’s internal unity even under consultation procedures. To show how this played out in practice during Europe’s migration and refugee crisis, this article analyses the European Parliament’s role, preferences, and bargaining position in the making of two Refugee Relocation Decisions (Council Decisions 2015/1523 and 2015/1601) under consultation procedure. To do so, this article exploits Putnam’s two-level framework (level I and II politics throughout the policy-making process) to explore early agenda-setting attempts and groups’ positions on issues of refugee relocation and burden-sharing, as they were formally stated in their position papers and expressed at the LIBE Committee and at plenary. This article shows that the high domestic salience and politicization of the issues at stake left MEPs torn between competing principals at home and within their European Parliament political groups and had the effect of weakening overall unity on the issue of refugee relocation.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/7037
2023-12-19T16:12:23Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/7037
2023-12-19T16:12:23Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 11, No 4 (2023): Economic Security and the Politics of Trade and Investment Policy in Europe; 177-187
Varieties of Anti‐Globalism: The Italian Government’s Evolving Stance on the EU’s Investment Screening Mechanism
Calcara, Antonio; Department of Political Science, University of Antwerp, Belgium
Poletti, Arlo; Department of Sociology and Social Research, University of Trento, Italy
2023-11-29 09:19:55
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/7037
economic security; EU; investment screening; Italy; political‐economy; political parties
en
In 2017, Italy, France, and Germany jointly supported the setting up of an EU-wide investment screening mechanism to strengthen the EU’s capacity to screen and eventually block foreign investments. In a few months, however, the Italian government changed position dramatically, shifting from leading supporter to staunchest opposer of this pol-icy initiative. Such a change of positioning was decisive in both watering down the initial proposal and moving for-ward with the idea of a looser mechanism coordinating national investment screening activities. This article develops an explanation of the Italian government’s changing negotiating stance. We develop an argument that stresses how two factors combined to produce this puzzling outcome. First, we stress the role of political parties as drivers of governments’ foreign economic policy choices. More specifically, we show that the preferences of the parties form-ing the Italian government after the 2018 general elections (the Lega Nord and the Five Star Movement) were crucial in shaping Italy’s evolving stance on this important issue. Second, we highlight the implications of the tension that exists between two different “varieties” of anti-globalism. While “self-proclaimed” anti-globalist political parties usu-ally combine a traditional critique of globalization and opposition to further political integration in the EU, they may be forced to prioritize one over the other when they prove incompatible. In this context, we show how Italian anti-globalist parties’ choice to prioritize anti-Europeanism over anti-globalism led them to prefer strengthening domes-tic-level institutions to screen FDIs rather than allowing the EU to acquire new powers.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/1015
2018-12-12T07:20:33Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/1015
2018-12-12T07:20:33Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 5, No 3 (2017): Narratives of Global Order; 130-145
Genocide Discourses: American and Russian Strategic Narratives of Conflict in Iraq and Ukraine
Irvin-Erickson, Douglas; The School for Conflict Analysis and Resolution, George Mason University, USA
2017-09-29 02:54:54
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/1015
genocide; Iraq; Islamic State; Russia; strategic narratives; Ukraine
en
This paper presents the concept of “genocide discourses”, defined as a type of strategic narrative that shapes the way individuals and groups position themselves and others and act, playing a critical role in the production of violence and efforts to reduce it. Genocide discourses tend to present genocide as fundamentally a-political, and hold that genocidal systems are dislodged only when they are swept away through external violence. Secondly, genocide discourses are built on an assumption that the victims of genocide are necessarily moral innocents, not parties in conflict. These two factors make genocide discourses highly effective in conferring moral capital upon certain actors in a conflict. The two principles converge to produce strategic narratives that direct political and military actions in certain ways in the context of contentious conflicts and political violence, motivating humanitarian responses in defense of certain groups, or sustaining popular support for foreign wars. The paper illustrates the argument by examining two case studies between 2014 and 2017: the debates in the United States over Islamic State genocides, and the conflict between Ukraine and Russia.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/289
2018-12-12T07:20:29Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/289
2018-12-12T07:20:29Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 3, No 3 (2015): Mass Atrocity Prevention (Part I); 53-66
Stopping Mass Atrocities: Targeting the Dictator
Weerdesteijn, Maartje; Department of Criminal Law, Tilburg University, The Netherlands
2015-10-27 14:29:44
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/289
dictator; foreign policy; mass atrocity; Pol Pot; rationality; Slobodan Milosevic
Tilburg University
en
The international community has determined it carries the responsibility to protect civilians from atrocity crimes if a state is unable or unwilling to do so. These crimes are often perpetrated in authoritarian regimes where they are legitimized through an exclusionary ideology. A comparative case study of Pol Pot and Milosevic indicates that whether the leader truly believes in the ideology he puts forward or merely uses it instrumentally to manipulate the population, is an important variable, which affects the manner in which third parties can respond effectively to these crimes. While Pol Pot was motivated by his ideological zeal, Milosevic used ideology to create a climate in which mass atrocities could be perpetrated in order to garner further power and prestige. In Max Weber’s terminology, Milosevic was guided by instrumental rationality while Pol Pot acted on the basis of value rationality. This case study compares two crucial moments—Vietnam’s invasion of Cambodia and NATO’s bombing of Serbia when the crisis in Kosovo escalated—to analyze the responsiveness of the two leaders. It is argued that ideological leaders are less responsive than non-ideological leaders to foreign policy measures targeted to stop or mitigate the occurrence of atrocities.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/3801
2021-05-03T06:40:01Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/3801
2021-05-03T06:40:01Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 9, No 2 (2021): Is There a New Climate Politics? Emergency, Engagement and Justice; 112-123
Shifting Coalitions within the Youth Climate Movement in the US
Fisher, Dana R.; Department of Sociology, University of Maryland, College Park, USA
Nasrin, Sohana; Philip Merrill College of Journalism, University of Maryland, College Park, USA
2021-04-28 03:52:20
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/3801
activism; climate change; climate movement; climate strike; coalitions; social network analysis
This research was funded, in part, by the William and Flora Hewlett Foundation
en
How has the youth climate movement in the US grown since the Climate Strikes began and in what ways did it change as it grew? This article takes advantage of a unique dataset that includes surveys from activists who organized the nationally coordinated climate strikes in the US that began with Fridays for Future in spring 2019. Building on the research on alliance building and strategic coalitions, this article analyzes how the patterns of participation changed over the period of the study. We employ social network analysis to map the affiliation networks among the organizers of these events to assess the coalitions of groups involved and the shifting organizational landscape. Our analysis does not provide evidence that groups spanned the boundaries across movements, nor does it show that identity plays a role in coalition building in this movement. Instead, by mapping out the coalition of organizations within this movement and how connections among them change over time, we see clear evidence that this youth-led movement was reoriented by adult-led organizations. Our article concludes by considering how these findings suggest the future trajectory of the youth climate movement and its role in a ‘new climate politics’ in America.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/1412
2019-07-02T04:48:00Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/1412
2019-07-02T04:48:00Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 6, No 3 (2018): The Feminist Project under Threat in Europe; 31-42
The Dark Side of Descriptive Representation: Bodies, Normalisation and Exclusion
Meier, Petra; Department of Political Science, University of Antwerp, Belgium
Severs, Eline; Department of Political Science, Vrije Universiteit Brussel, Belgium
2018-09-14 04:12:03
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/1412
alternative voices; descriptive representation; feminism; political role models; symbolic representation
en
This contribution elaborates on the role model function of descriptive representatives. We seek to elaborate on potentially negative effects of role models, as we think they can endanger a feminist project of dismantling hierarchical power relations. When society attributes descriptive representatives the position of role models, the former no longer simply stand for their groups in a socio-demographic manner. Role models also stand for them in an exemplary manner, allowing them to prescribe a set of appropriate or desirable traits and behaviours. The presence and performance of role models, thus, powerfully shapes the context to the representation of disadvantaged groups. Because of their exemplary function, the personal experiences and life trajectory of descriptive representatives may be elevated to a standard; potentially causing the interests and demands of other group members to be considered abnormal or marginal. Also, role models may, paradoxically, promote exclusion. Representatives’ social differences provide them with powerful symbolic resources to speak on behalf of their group. While such authority may help them put previously overlooked interests on the agenda, their personal take on things may limit the terms of the debate, as it cuts out alternative intersections of social positions; making it difficult to voice alternative group perspectives. In this regard, role models may hamper the feminist project which precisely implies giving voice to excluded groups so as to broaden the range of voices articulated.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/5165
2022-06-24T09:41:17Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/5165
2022-06-24T09:41:17Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 10, No 2 (2022): Re-Visioning Borders: Europe and Beyond; 246-255
Internal Rebordering in the European Union: Postfunctionalism Revisited
Gruszczak, Artur; Department of National Security, Jagiellonian University, Poland
2022-06-15 10:40:13
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/5165
borders; European Union; mobility; postfunctionalism; rebordering; Schengen
en
The EU has been under severe strain as a free-travel area. The migration crisis of the mid-2010s and the current Covid-19 pandemic have exerted a negative impact on the freedom of movement in the EU and the undisturbed crossing of internal borders within the Schengen area. Direct effects and long-term consequences of the prolonged crisis have shown that the dynamics of integration, which are determined by spillover effects of transnational processes, are counterposed by a politicization of domestically-embedded issues of security governance. This assumption underpins the postfunctionalist approach to European integration proposed originally by Hooghe and Marks. The tendency towards longstanding derogations from the Schengen regime, termed “internal rebordering,” should be juxtaposed with efforts of the European Commission towards a full restoration of the Schengen area without controls at internal borders. The argument developed in this article holds that internal rebordering has been embedded in the logic of the EU as an area of freedom, security, and justice comprising the Schengen area as its territorial manifestation. The rebordering processes in the EU and in the Schengen area have questioned the principle of “constraining dissensus” underlaying the postfunctionalist approach.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/6706
2023-11-16T17:37:35Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/6706
2023-11-16T17:37:35Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 11, No 3 (2023): United in Uniqueness? Lessons From Canadian Politics for European Union Studies; 289-299
Health Care in Federal Systems
Fierlbeck, Katherine; Department of Political Science, Dalhousie University, Canada
2023-09-27 09:46:05
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/6706
Canada; Covid‐19; European Union; federalism; health care; health policy; neofunctionalism
Dalhousie University (pending); Jean Monnet Network funding through Erasmus+
en
How do multilevel health care systems evolve? Do they develop in a similar manner, or are their respective paths of evolution more sui generis? The aim of this article is to compare the way in which Canada and the European Union have attempted to coordinate health policy between their component multilevel jurisdictions over time. This article argues that the EU—despite its limited authority over health care—has been better able than Canada to develop a greater capacity for addressing health policy at a supranational level, notwithstanding Canada’s greater federal involvement in financing health care. While the experience of the EU supports the theoretical premises of neofunctionalism (that a certain level of integration will induce even greater integration in other areas, especially in response to crisis), the experience of Canadian health care federalism does not fit that theoretical paradigm. This suggests a limited applicability for neofunctionalist theory across multilevel systems more widely.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/915
2018-12-12T07:20:32Z
politicsandgovernance:EDI
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/915
2018-12-12T07:20:32Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 5, No 1 (2017): Legitimization of Private and Public Regulation: Past and Present; 1-5
Editorial to the Issue on Legitimization of Private and Public Regulation: Past and Present
Coni-Zimmer, Melanie; Peace Research Institute Frankfurt, Germany
Wolf, Klaus Dieter; Peace Research Institute Frankfurt, Germany
Collin, Peter; Max Planck Institute for European Legal History, Germany
2017-03-15 06:04:20
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/915
hybrid regulatory regimes; legal history; legitimacy discourses; patterns of legitimation; public and private regulation; transnational governance
en
This thematic issue brings together research from political science and legal history about legitimacy discourses covering different forms of public–private co-regulation and private self-regulation, domestic and transnational, past and present. These forms of governance highlight the important role of non-state actors in exercising public authority. There has been a growing debate about the legitimacy of non-state actors setting and enforcing norms and providing public goods and services. However, the focus of this thematic issue is not on developing abstract criteria of legitimacy. Rather, the authors analyze legitimacy discourses around different cases of privatized or partly privatized forms of governance from the early 20th century until today. Legitimacy is subject to empirical and not normative analysis. Legitimacy discourses are analyzed in order to shed light on the legitimacy conceptions that actors hold, what they consider as legitimate institutions, and based on what criteria. The particular focus of this thematic issue is to examine whether the significance of democratic legitimacy is decreasing as the importance of regulation exercised by private actors is increasing.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/79
2023-12-27T09:01:17Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/79
2023-12-27T09:01:17Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 2, No 2 (2014): Multidisciplinary Studies in Politics and Governance; 43-56
The Problem of Mismatch in Successful Cross-Sectoral Collaboration
Soininen, Maritta; Department of Political Science, Stockholm University, 10691 Stockholm, Sweden
2014-11-10 07:54:32
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/79
cross-sectoral collaboration; management rationale; mismatch
en
When facing the challenge of new global employment dynamics and the demand for the creation of economic growth and new jobs, joint cross-sectoral efforts to pool market and public sector resources promise to make the most of the complementary strengths, competencies and perspectives of different actors. The topic addressed here is the impact that management rationale—bureaucratic and entrepreneurial—has on cross-sectoral collaboration, and in particular how a mismatch in goals and norms between sectoral actors and the overall management rationale may affect joint efforts in terms of the capacity to recruit relevant actors and establish sustainable collaboration. The empirical findings, which are based on two cases of cross-sectoral co-operation—the EU programme EQUAL and the Swedish VINNVÄXT programme—suggest that management rationale is an important factor in accounting for success of cross-sectoral initiatives and that a mismatch risks undermining smooth co-operation and thereby policy delivery.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/3713
2021-02-02T09:18:11Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/3713
2021-02-02T09:18:11Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 9, No 1 (2021): What Brexit Means for Europe: EU Institutions and Actors after the British Referendum; 79-89
Is the Grass Greener on the Other Side? Norwegians’ Assessments of Brexit
Fossum, John Erik; ARENA, University of Oslo, Norway
Vigrestad, Joachim; ARENA, University of Oslo, Norway
2021-01-27 03:29:24
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/3713
benchmark theory; Brexit; EEA Agreement; European Union; Norway
European Commission Horizon 2020 programme (Societal Challenges 6: Europe in a changing world – Inclusive, innovative and reflective societies) under Grant Agreement no. 822419
en
To what extent has Brexit affected Norwegians’ perceptions of their current relationship with the EU? What are the considerations that central political and societal actors bring up to explain their stances? What are the broader lessons for the EU’s relations with non-members? We argue that Norway’s EU affiliation is so close that we can draw on Catherine De Vries’ benchmark theory to assess whether Brexit affects Norwegians’ assessments of Norway’s relationship with the EU. We focus on the Norwegian government’s stance. Further, we consider opinion polls to understand the strength of domestic support for the EEA Agreement, and whether that support has changed as a consequence of Brexit. We thereafter look for political entrepreneurs or political change agents, in political parties, in interest groups, and among civil society activists. We find that Brexit has not served as a benchmark. It has not set in motion efforts to change Norway’s EU affiliation. Opponents diverge on alternatives, although share concerns about what they see as the EU’s neoliberal orientation. The analysis shows that we cannot assess Brexit as a benchmark without paying attention to the sheer size and magnitude of the EU–Norway power asymmetry.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/1216
2018-12-12T07:20:34Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/1216
2018-12-12T07:20:34Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 6, No 1 (2018): Why Choice Matters: Revisiting and Comparing Measures of Democracy; 33-47
Don’t Good Democracies Need “Good” Citizens? Citizen Dispositions and the Study of Democratic Quality
Mayne, Quinton; Kennedy School of Government, Harvard University, USA
Geißel, Brigitte; Institute of Political Science, Goethe University, Germany
2018-03-19 04:32:19
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/1216
citizens; democracy; democratic commitments; political capacity; political participation; quality of democracy
en
This article advances the argument that quality of democracy depends not only on the performance of democratic institutions but also on the dispositions of citizens. We make three contributions to the study of democratic quality. First, we develop a fine-grained, structured conceptualization of the three core dispositions (democratic commitments, political capacities, and political participation) that make up the citizen component of democratic quality. Second, we provide a more precise account of the notion of inter-component congruence or “fit” between the institutional and citizen components of democratic quality, distinguishing between static and dynamic forms of congruence. Third, drawing on cross-national data, we show the importance of taking levels of inter-dispositional consistency into account when measuring democratic quality.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/4759
2022-03-22T12:16:55Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/4759
2022-03-22T12:16:55Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 10, No 1 (2022): Carbon Pricing Under Pressure: Withering Markets?; 235-245
Governance of Fragmented Compliance and Voluntary Carbon Markets Under the Paris Agreement
Ahonen, Hanna-Mari; Perspectives Climate Research, Germany
Kessler, Juliana; Perspectives Climate Research, Germany
Michaelowa, Axel; Perspectives Climate Research, Germany / Department of Political Science, University of Zurich, Switzerland
Espelage, Aglaja; Perspectives Climate Research, Germany
Hoch, Stephan; Perspectives Climate Research, Germany
2022-03-17 10:34:44
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/4759
Article 6; baseline-and-credit system; Clean Development Mechanism; double counting; environmental integrity; frag-mentation; governance; Paris Agreement; voluntary carbon markets
Swiss Network for International Studies (SNIS)
en
Over the past two decades, the emergence of multiple carbon market segments has led to fragmentation of governance of international carbon markets. International baseline-and-credit systems for greenhouse gas mitigation have been repeatedly expected to wither away, but show significant resilience. Still, Parties to the Paris Agreement have struggled to finalize rules for market-based cooperation under Article 6, which are still being negotiated. Generally, there is tension between international top-down and bottom-up governance. The former was pioneered through the Clean Development Mechanism under the Kyoto Protocol and is likely to be utilized for the Article 6.4 mechanism, while the latter was used for the first track of Joint Implementation and will be applied for Article 6.2. Voluntary carbon markets governed bottom-up and outside the Kyoto Protocol by private institutions have recently gained importance by offering complementary project types and methodological approaches. The clear intention of some Parties to use market-based cooperation in order to reach their nationally determined contributions to the Paris Agreement have led to an ongoing process of navigating the alignment of these fragmented carbon market instruments with the implementation of nationally determined contributions and Paris Agreement’s governance architecture. We discuss emerging features of international carbon market governance in the public and private domain, including political and technical issues. Fragmented governance is characterized by different degrees of transparency, centralization, and scales. We assess the crunch issues in the Article 6 negotiations through the lens of these governance features and their effectiveness, focusing on governance principles and their operationalization to ensure environmental integrity and avoid double counting.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/6374
2023-08-31T09:50:38Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/6374
2023-08-31T09:50:38Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 11, No 2 (2023): Hate Speech, Demonization, Polarization, and Political Social Responsibility; 187-197
Hate Speech and Polarization Around the “Trans Law” in Spain
Sánchez-Holgado, Patricia; Department of Sociology and Communication, University of Salamanca, Spain
Arcila-Calderón, Carlos; Department of Sociology and Communication, University of Salamanca, Spain
Gomes-Barbosa, Marcos; Department of Sociology and Communication, University of Salamanca, Spain
2023-05-17 09:19:43
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/6374
hate speech; LGTBI; polarization; public perception; Spain; Trans Law; transphobia; Twitter
en
The approval of the law for the real and effective equality of trans people and for the guarantee of the rights of LGTBI people (the Trans Law) has been one of the most controversial legislative actions in recent years; however, there is very little knowledge about the public’s perception of the issue and how they express their opinions in the public sphere. Supporters of the law consider that the free determination of gender is essential to end discrimination against trans people, while critics express hate speech that can be a precursor to violent actions. This work aims to fill a gap, studying the relationship between the perceptions of a controversial and polarizing issue and their public expression through social media. The main objective is to analyze the public’s perception, with special attention to age, gender, and political ideology, and compare it with the hate speech posted on Twitter. The methodology presents a survey of citizens and the use of computational methods to analyze Twitter messages with a machine-learning algorithm that classifies them as hate or not hate. The results indicate that the majority (80.1%) support the approval of the law, while those close to left and center political ideologies favor the law more than those who define themselves as right-wing. There are no significant differences according to age. Of the messages analyzed, 9.7% were classified as hate.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/3059
2020-12-17T09:59:55Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/3059
2020-12-17T09:59:55Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 8, No 4 (2020): The Politics of Disaster Governance; 281-293
The Problem of Fit in Flood Risk Governance: Regulative, Normative, and Cultural-Cognitive Deliberations
Becker, Per; Division of Risk Management and Societal Safety, Lund University, Sweden / Risk and Crisis Research Centre, Mid Sweden University, Sweden / Unit for Environmental Sciences and Management, North-West University, South Africa
2020-12-10 05:23:30
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/3059
flood risk; governance; governmentalization; institutional fit; institutionalism; mitigation; problem of fit; Sweden
FORMAS (2015-149)
en
Flood risk is a growing global concern that is not only affecting developing countries, but also the sustainable development of the most affluent liberal democracies. This has attracted attention to the systems governing flood risk across administrative levels, which vary between countries, but are relatively similar in the Nordic region, with both responsibilities and resources largely decentralized to the municipal level. However, floods tend not to be bounded by conventional borders but demand attention to the catchment area as a whole. Influential voices have long argued the importance of fit between the biophysical basis of an issue and the institutional arrangements of actors engaging in its governance. The article investigates such institutional fit in flood risk governance, based on a case study of flood risk mitigation in the Höje Å catchment area in Southern Sweden. Analyzing a unique dataset comprising 217 interviews with all individual formal actors actively engaged in flood risk mitigation in the catchment area illuminates a ‘problem of fit’ between the hydrological system behind flood risk and the institutional arrangements of its governance. This ‘problem of fit’ is not only visible along the borders of the municipalities composing the catchment area, but also of the spatial planning areas within them. The article deliberates on regulative, normative, and cultural-cognitive elements that align to lock flood risk governance into a regime of practices that, if not addressed, continues to undermine society’s ability to anticipate and adapt to the expected escalation of flood risk in a changing climate.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/2149
2019-10-08T05:09:29Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/2149
2019-10-08T05:09:29Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 7, No 3 (2019): The Impact of Brexit on EU Policies; 72-82
The Impact of Brexit on EU Development Policy
Price, Sophia; Politics and International Relations, Leeds Beckett University, UK
2019-09-16 03:12:43
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/2149
African, Caribbean and Pacific group; Brexit; development policy; European Union
en
Brexit is likely to herald fundamental changes in the operation, scope and practice of EU development policy, due to the UK’s key role in leading and defining the geographical and sectoral remit of policy, and through its provision of large-scale funding. Through a focus on the EU’s relations with the African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) Group of States, this article explores these potential impacts. It highlights the importance of the timing of Brexit in relation to the contemporaneous renegotiation of EU–ACP relations and the EU’s Multiannual Financial Framework and argues that the focus on static impacts of Brexit, in terms of removing the UK from the ‘EU equation’, overlooks the broader dynamics of political economy in which it is situated. Through the analysis of the anticipatory adjustments and discursive dynamics in EU development policy that articulate the pursuit of material interests, the article helps understand both the dynamics of Brexit and the broader transformations in which it is located.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/602
2018-12-12T07:20:30Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/602
2018-12-12T07:20:30Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 4, No 2 (2016): New Approaches to Political Leadership; 138-157
Cursus Honorum: Personal Background, Careers and Experience of Political Leaders in Democracy and Dictatorship—New Data and Analyses
Baturo, Alexander; School of Law and Government, Dublin City University, Ireland
2016-06-23 11:19:02
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/602
comparative democratisation; democracy and dictatorship; new dataset; personal background; political leaders
en
Politics in democracy and dictatorship is markedly different; democracy and dictatorship are also associated with distinct policy outcomes. Do political regimes also select different leaders, i.e., do democratic leaders have distinct personal backgrounds to those of their peers in dictatorships, do they tend to hold different prior careers and posts while climbing the “greasy pole” of politics? The aim of this paper is to introduce the new data on leaders’ careers in democracy and dictatorship and compare their personal background, experience in politics, careers and significant posts prior to their tenure, and details about their time in office, inter alia. In general, democratic leaders differ from nondemocratic ones in terms of their educational, social and career background. The paper also finds significant differences among leaders in different nondemocratic regimes, and suggests possible venues for further research.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/4570
2021-11-29T13:20:52Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/4570
2021-11-29T13:20:52Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 9, No 4 (2021): Right-Wing Populist Party Organisation Across Europe: The Survival of the Mass-Party?; 329-339
Leading the Way, but Also Following the Trend: The Slovak National Party
Haughton, Tim; Department of Political Science and International Studies, University of Birmingham, UK
Rybář, Marek; Department of Political Science, Faculty of Social Studies, Masaryk University, Czech Republic
Deegan-Krause, Kevin; Department of Political Science, Wayne State University, USA
2021-11-24 10:02:38
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/4570
party leadership; party membership; party organization; Slovakia
en
Despite spells outside parliament, with its blend of nationalist and populist appeals the Slovak National Party (SNS) has been a prominent fixture on Slovakia’s political scene for three decades. Unlike some of the newer parties in Slovakia and across the region, partly as a product of the point of its (re-)creation, SNS has a comparable organizational density to most established parties in the country and has invested in party branches and recruiting members. Although ordinary members exercised some power and influence during the fissiparous era of the early 2000s, SNS has been notable for the role played by its leader in decision-making and steering the party. Each leader placed their stamp on the projection, pitch and functioning of the party, both as a decision-making organization and an electoral vehicle. Ordinary members have been largely—but not exclusively—relegated to the role of cheerleaders and campaigners for the party’s tribunes; a situation which has not changed significantly in the era of social media. The pre-eminent position of the leader and the limited options for “voice” has led unsuccessful contenders for top posts and their supporters to opt instead for “exit.” Despite having some of the traits of the mass party and having engaged in some of the activities common for mass parties, especially in the earlier years of its existence, in more recent times in particular, SNS falls short of the mass party model both in aspiration and reality.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/2584
2021-01-29T10:15:35Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/2584
2021-01-29T10:15:35Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 8, No 2 (2020): Quantifying Higher Education: Governing Universities and Academics by Numbers; 48-57
Keeping One’s Shiny Mercedes in the Garage: Why Higher Education Quantification Never Really Took Off in Germany
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/download/2584/17990
Hillebrandt, Maarten; Faculty of Law, University of Helsinki, Finland
2020-04-09 04:28:58
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/2584
administrative capacity; data; education; Germany; quantification
Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft
en
The cybernetic dream of regulatory ‘dashboard control’ has taken off in the German higher education system. Both government regulators and university managers are engaged in the creation of waves of increasingly fine-grained quantitative data. Yet a wide range of recent case studies of the German higher education sector attest that in spite of this ‘datafication’ frenzy, the impact of the collected data mass on regulatory and managerial decision-making capacities seems to have remained relatively limited. This article explores why, in spite of the considerable investment in quantitative data infrastructures in the German higher education sector, this did not result in significant overt analytical capacity building. It explores three hypotheses: 1) a legal hypothesis according to which quantification is curbed by legal protections under the Rechtsstaat; 2) a dysfunctionality hypothesis which holds that decision makers reject quantification as a flawed and impracticable pursuit; and 3) an egalitarian federalism hypothesis which argues that Germany’s federal states seek to prevent commensurability to avoid comparison and competition. The article finds that, in spite of its inconspicuousness, quantification indeed does inform various central decision-making processes. However, different legal, political, and relational factors prompt decision makers to engage in a hybrid, tempered and, overall, untransparent application of numerical data.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/5882
2023-06-27T11:22:19Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/5882
2023-06-27T11:22:19Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 11, No 1 (2023): Democratic Backsliding and Organized Interests in Central and Eastern Europe; 65-79
Multilevel Venue Shopping Amid Democratic Backsliding in New European Union Member States
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/download/5882/41529
Labanino, Rafael; University of Konstanz
Dobbins, Michael; University of Konstanz
2023-01-13 09:39:16
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/5882
Central and Eastern Europe; democratic backsliding; European Union; multilevel lobbying; organized interests; post‐communism
Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft, Narodowe Centrum Nauki
en
Recently, various Central and Eastern European countries have experienced a regression of democratic quality, often resulting in the emergence of competitive (semi‐)authoritarian regimes with an illiberal governing ideology. This has often been accompanied by a closing political space for civil society groups. Based on a survey of more than 400 Polish, Hungarian, Czech, and Slovenian interest organizations, we explore, in the context of backsliding, the conditions under which organized interests shift their lobbying activities to alternative, i.e., EU or regional levels. Our statistical analyses indicate that it is rather exclusive policy‐making in general than a lack of individual group access to domestic policy networks that motivate organizations to engage in multilevel lobbying. However, it appears that organizational self‐empowerment and inter‐group cooperation are the “name of the game.” Even under the adverse conditions of democratic backsliding, organizations that are accumulating expertise, professionalizing their operations, and cooperating with other organizations not only can sustain access to (illiberal) national governments but also branch out their operations to the European and regional levels.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/1521
2019-07-02T04:48:01Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/1521
2019-07-02T04:48:01Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 6, No 4 (2018): Interdisciplinary Approaches to Studying Emotions within Politics and International Relations; 73-82
Emotional Interest Representation and the Politics of Risk in Child Protection
Warner, Jo; School of Social Policy, Sociology & Social Research, University of Kent, UK
2018-12-28 05:19:30
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/1521
child protection; emotion; Members of Parliament; representation; risk; social work
en
This article explores the emotional dimensions of political representation by British Members of Parliament (MP) in relation to child protection. The public speech acts and first-hand accounts of three MPs are drawn upon as examples. These highlight different forms of emotional interest representation that arise following the death of a local child from severe abuse or neglect and in response to anxieties in the community about risk. Firstly, I examine the role of the MP in seeking to embody their constituency in the public expression of collective emotional responses and to defend it from feelings of guilt and shame. Personal feelings of guilt and a consciousness of the politician’s role in attributing blame are then considered. Thirdly, I explore the role of the MP as trusted envoy for anxieties about risk to individual children within their constituencies. The article draws on Berezin’s concept of the secure state and Hochschild’s notion of politicians as feeling legislators, and is based on qualitative documentary analysis and semi-structured interviews with MPs. It is argued that the emotional processes outlined are central to understanding the problematic relationship between politics and state social work that fuels the cycle of crisis and reform in children’s services in the UK.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/7224
2023-12-19T16:12:23Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/7224
2023-12-19T16:12:23Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 11, No 4 (2023): Economic Security and the Politics of Trade and Investment Policy in Europe; 212-222
Implementation of EU Trade Agreements Under an Assertive, Open, and Sustainable Trade Policy
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/download/7224/45765
García, María J.; Department of Politics, Languages and International Studies, University of Bath, UK
2023-11-29 09:19:56
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/7224
agreement enforcement; dispute; European Union; free trade agreements; preferential trade agreements; trade and sustainable development
en
Since the 2010s the EU has expanded its preferential trade agreements, responding to challenges at the World Trade Organization and preferential trade agreements of key geoeconomic competitors. However, preferential trade agreements are only as good as their implementation. The EU 2021 Trade Policy Review for a more assertive trade policy includes a greater focus on preferential trade agreement implementation. An analysis of preferential trade agreement implementation reports identifies challenges in operationalising these. It shows that since 2019 there has been an increase in EU recourse to formal dispute settlement mechanisms under preferential trade agreements demonstrating the shift to greater assertiveness. Interestingly, most of the cases are of limited economic significance to the EU but serve to reinforce the message of enforcement of trade rules.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/5993
2022-08-26T10:06:03Z
politicsandgovernance:EDI
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/5993
2022-08-26T10:06:03Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 10, No 3 (2022): Legitimacy and Global Economic Ties; 90-97
Current Challenges to the Legitimacy of International Economic and Financial Arrangements
Roozendaal, Gerda van; Department of International Relations and International Organization, University of Groningen, The Netherlands
de Deugd, Nienke; Department of International Relations and International Organization, University of Groningen, The Netherlands
2022-08-23 10:42:40
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/5993
delegitimation; institutional change; international arrangements; legitimacy
en
The importance of legitimacy to international arrangements is addressed, as are various approaches to the study of legitimacy. In so doing, attention is paid to important concepts that feature throughout the various contributions, namely legitimacy and illegitimacy, legitimation and delegitimation, audiences and consent, and the form and function of institutional change.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/7222
2024-01-17T10:42:04Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/7222
2024-01-17T10:42:04Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 12 (2024): Arctic Regional Governance: Actors and Transformations
Costly Signaling and China's Strategic Engagement in Arctic Regional Governance
Wang, Yaohui; Department of International Relations, Nankai University, China
Ma, Yanhong; School of Political Science & International Relations, Tongji University, China
2024-01-17 09:51:23
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/7222
Arctic governance; Chinese diplomacy; costly signaling; global environmental values; sustainable development
en
In recent years, China has become an increasingly important actor in Arctic regional governance. While Beijing consistently frames its engagement in the region as a strategy of mutually-beneficial cooperation, some Arctic countries have raised significant concerns about its growing economic presence, warning that China may leverage its geopolitical influence to change the existing norms and rules in the polar region. Facing the mounting “China threat” skepticism, what are Beijing’s coping strategies to belie concerns? Based on a review of the existing research and government documents, particularly Chinese-language scholarly works and official reports, this article specifically identifies two types of costly signaling approaches employed by China to reduce Arctic countries’ distrust. First, China has started to curtail its Arctic investment in oil, gas, and mining while engaging more in sectors that chime well with Western societies’ global environmental values, including clean and renewable energy, ecological research that addresses further climatic change associated with global warming, and other environmentally sustainable industries. Second, Beijing has increasingly involved in regional international organizations, such as the Arctic Council, to signal its willingness to exercise state power under institutional constraints. These approaches aim to send a series of costly signals to conventional Arctic states, reassuring them that China is not a revisionist power that pursues hegemony in the region. Taken together, our findings have both scholarly and policymaking implications to understand China’s participation in Arctic regional governance.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/946
2018-12-12T07:20:32Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/946
2018-12-12T07:20:32Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 5, No 3 (2017): EU Institutional Politics of Secrecy and Transparency in Foreign Affairs; 51-61
Not Worth the Net Worth? The Democratic Dilemmas of Privileged Access to Information
Rosén, Guri; ARENA—Centre for European Studies, University of Oslo, Norway
Stie, Anne Elizabeth; Department of Political Science and Management, University of Agder, Norway
2017-09-25 09:11:59
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/946
democratic accountability; European Parliament; European Union; secrecy; transparency
en
In this article, we discuss the democratic conditions for parliamentary oversight in EU foreign affairs. Our point of departure is two Interinstitutional Agreements (IIAs) between the Council and the European Parliament (EP), which provide the latter with access to sensitive documents. To shed light on this issue, we ask to what extent these contribute to the democratic accountability in EU foreign policy? It is argued that the IIAs have strengthened the EP’s role in EU foreign affairs by giving it access to information to which it was previously denied. This does not mean, however, that this increase in power equals a strengthening of the EP as a democratic accountability forum. First of all, both IIAs (even if there are differences between them) fail to maximise the likelihood that the plurality of views in the EP as a whole is reproduced. Secondly, and more importantly, the EU citizens are largely deprived of opportunities to appraise how their elected representatives have exercised their role as guardians of executive power.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/238
2023-12-27T08:56:40Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/238
2023-12-27T08:56:40Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 3, No 2 (2015): Multidisciplinary Studies in Politics and Governance; 76-89
Intermediate Conditions of Democratic Accountability: A Response to Electoral Skepticism
Maloy, J. S.; Department of Political Science, University of Louisiana at Lafayette, USA
2015-08-28 05:07:00
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/238
accountability; democratic theory; democratic representation; electoral studies; institutional reform
en
Attempts to respond to “democratic deficits” in modern constitutional republics must contend with the broad scholarly trend of electoral skepticism. While generally casting doubt on periodic competitive elections’ suitability as vehicles of accountability, electoral skepticism does not necessarily entail an absolute devaluation of elections. Some normative and empirical research responds to this trend by refocusing attention on values other than popular power, such as civil peace, which might be served by periodic competitive elections. Another response short of abandoning the value of popular power, however, is to draw out possibilities for institutional design from the restricted conditions under which previous study has found electoral accountability to be plausible or likely. This second task requires an empirically informed exercise in political theory. Pursuing it in a programmatic and policy-relevant way requires descending from the grand, systemic level of constitutional structures and electoral formulae to intermediate (or middle-range) institutional conditions of accountability, such as rules about parties, campaigns, and election administration. My analysis reinterprets principal-agent models to develop four general types of crucial condition for electoral accountability, and then ramifies this scheme by reference to recent empirical research. The result is a “top ten” list of specific institutional factors that could be theoretically decisive in helping or hindering electoral accountability. These ten conditions could guide future research designs and reform proposals alike.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/3853
2021-05-03T06:40:01Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/3853
2021-05-03T06:40:01Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 9, No 2 (2021): Is There a New Climate Politics? Emergency, Engagement and Justice; 8-16
Climate Politics in Green Deals: Exposing the Political Frontiers of the European Green Deal
Samper, Juan Antonio; Lund University Centre for Sustainability Studies, Lund University, Sweden
Schockling, Amanda; Lund University Centre for Sustainability Studies, Lund University, Sweden
Islar, Mine; Lund University Centre for Sustainability Studies, Lund University, Sweden
2021-04-28 03:52:16
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/3853
climate politics; depoliticization; European Green Deal; hegemony; neoliberalism; sustainability
en
This article investigates the political attempts to frame European climate politics and provides a critical discourse analysis of the European Green Deal. A rapid transition towards low-carbon development across the world has been contested by discourses aiming to acknowledge the inseparability of social and ecological issues. These discussions are fairly new in the European context and in 2019, the European Commission presented its Communication on the European Green Deal—the European Union’s legislative roadmap to carbon neutrality by 2050. Empirical evidence for this article is derived from process tracing and policy analysis of the European Commission’s documents on the European Green Deal in relation to existing Green New Deals. Drawing from a neo-Gramscian perspective we argue that the European Green Deal is an attempt to extend the neoliberal hegemonic formation within European climate politics. This results in the foreclosure of democratic channels for articulating climate politics according to dissenting discourses, thereby avoiding the political contestation inherent to climate politics.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/1610
2019-07-02T04:47:59Z
politicsandgovernance:EDI
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/1610
2019-07-02T04:47:59Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 6, No 2 (2018): Authoritarianism in the 21st Century; 83-86
Authoritarianism in the 21st Century
Ezrow, Natasha; Government Department, University of Essex, UK
2018-06-22 04:05:00
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/1610
authoritarian elections; authoritarian regimes; hybrid regimes; totalitarian regimes
en
This introduction offers an overview of the key works in this edited volume on authoritarian regimes. This edited volume explains how authoritarian regimes were studied in the past and how this may contrast with how authoritarian regimes are studied today. This compilation also examines the newest trends in authoritarianism in the 21st century and showcases interesting works on elections, media pluralism and regime hybridity. The volume also highlights the challenges posed by authoritarian regimes to the international order and the growing influence of authoritarian regimes.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/5024
2022-05-23T10:56:30Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/5024
2022-05-23T10:56:30Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 10, No 2 (2022): Out With the Old, In With the New? Explaining Changing EU–US Relations; 165-175
A Weakening Transatlantic Relationship? Redefining the EU–US Security and Defence Cooperation
Knutsen, Bjørn Olav; Norwegian Defence Research Establishment (FFI), Norway / Faculty for Social Sciences, Nord University, Norway
2022-05-18 13:23:11
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/5024
EU defence package; EU Strategic Compass; European Union; NATO; neo-functionalism; security deficit; strategic autonomy; transatlantic relations; United States foreign policy
en
The aim of this article is to discuss how a weakening transatlantic relationship influences European defence cooperation and integration. It also asks how these observed patterns of weakening EU–US relations can be explained and what the consequences might be for the EU’s efforts to build a stronger and more coherent security and defence policy. Building upon a “comprehensive neo-functionalist” approach first coined by the Norwegian scholar Martin Sæter, European security and defence policy should be seen as part of an externalisation of EU integration as a response to weakening transatlantic relations. The debate on European “strategic autonomy,” the Strategic Compass, and the European “defence package” should therefore be considered as part of such an externalisation process of actively influencing and reshaping the transatlantic relationship. When analysing European security and defence, the article also shows that it is misleading to regard European integration as something to be subordinated to NATO. Nevertheless, a European security deficit does exist due to differing perspectives among member states on how the EU process should relate to NATO. The article, therefore, concludes that strategic autonomy can only be developed with close EU–NATO cooperation. Furthermore, a more multipolar world order where the EU no longer can rely upon a transatlantic security community to the same extent as before challenges the EU’s role as a defender of multilateralism and poses new challenges to the EU’s common foreign and security policy.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/2570
2019-11-13T05:58:45Z
politicsandgovernance:EDI
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/2570
2019-11-13T05:58:45Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 7, No 4 (2019): New Perspectives on Food Democracy; 1-7
Editorial: New Perspectives on Food Democracy
Bornemann, Basil; Sustainability Research Group, Department of Social Sciences, University of Basel, Switzerland
Weiland, Sabine; European School of Political and Social Sciences, Université Catholique de Lille, France
2019-10-28 05:20:46
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/2570
democratic governance; food citizenship; food democracy; food system; participation
With the overall intention of stimulating the debate on food democracy, this thematic issue aims to shed fresh light on the complex relationship between food and democracy in different contexts. New theoretical perspectives and empirical analyses are presented that explore, sharpen, question, and expand the potential of food democracy as both, an analytical lens onto the state and development of contemporary food systems, and as a political idea for transforming the dominant agri-industrial food system. In this editorial to the thematic issue “New Perspectives on Food Democracy,” we briefly recapitulate the existing debate on food democracy, explain the goals and overarching questions of the thematic issue and provide an overview of the assembled articles.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/6777
2023-08-31T09:49:23Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
v2
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/6777
2023-08-31T09:49:23Z
Politics and Governance
Vol 11, No 3 (2023): The Causes and Modes of European Disintegration; 59-67
Between a Rock and a Hard Place: European Disintegration, Brexit, and Gibraltar
O’Dubhghaill, Sean Mark; Brussels School of Governance, Vrije Universiteit Brussel, Belgium
Van Kerckhoven, Sven; Brussels School of Governance, Vrije Universiteit Brussel, Belgium
2023-07-05 09:18:43
All manuscripts are published under a Creative Commons license: Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY).Authors retain the copyrights of their published works and allow others to share the work with an acknowledgement of the work's authorship and initial publication in this journal.Authors are free to use, reuse and share their articles without any embargo period, provided that the journal is acknowledged as the original venue of publication. This freedom includes, for example, posting the article in an institutional repository or publishing it in a book.Authors are also permitted and encouraged to post their work online (e.g., in institutional repositories or on their website) prior to, during, and after the submission process and publication of the article.
url:https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/6777
Brexit; disintegration; EU; European integration; Gibraltar; outermost regions; overseas territories; United Kingdom
en
This article aims to explore the contours of Gibraltar, a uniquely situated region in Europe and a non-self-governing British overseas territory. It explores the basis for Gibraltar’s continued and maintained presence within the EU after Brexit. Gibraltar’s full accession into the Schengen area, which was expected to be implemented by the end of 2022, is a significant departure from the disintegration that was observable elsewhere in Brexit negotiations but also does not align with the United Kingdom’s staunch resistance to Schengen more generally. This move will potentially result in Gibraltar having more features in common with what the EU refers to as outermost regions, which are remote areas within the EU where special provisions exist. To that end, this variation in approach by the United Kingdom has placed Gibraltar in an altogether different category of its own and invites new questions about the region’s specificity and status, as well as about the process of disintegration more generally. We argue that Gibraltar’s desire to join the Schengen area has presented challenges to the ongoing predicament of Brexit and has exacerbated its outlier position within the EU. This has given rise to specific questions that this article aims to address: What is the current situation of Gibraltar regarding the United Kingdom and the EU? And, what can the case of Gibraltar teach us in terms of disintegration? This article also examines, from a political science perspective, how reclassifying territories can be employed as a vector to facilitate the United Kingdom’s efforts to disintegrate from the EU, but underscores the ongoing issues surrounding the reclassification of Gibraltar and its people, with every effort to do so proving challenging.
9d749c0a7acbecdc8859bcf92b7b118b