2024-03-29T07:46:56Z
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/oai
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/4382
2021-10-06T06:07:57Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
"210930 2021 eng "
2183-2463
dc
Deliberative Mini-Publics and the European Green Deal in Turbulent Times: The Irish and French Climate Assemblies
Torney, Diarmuid
School of Law and Government, Dublin City University, Ireland http://www.diarmuidtorney.org https://orcid.org/0000-0003-4156-9044
climate change; deliberative democracy; democratic mini-public; European Green Deal; turbulence
Innovative forms of deliberative democracy are gaining traction in governing responses to climate change in Europe and beyond. Proponents of deliberative democracy have drawn attention to its particular suitability for shaping responses to environmental challenges. Citizen engagement and participation is also a prominent feature of the European Green Deal. This article considers the relationship between turbulence and deliberative democracy in the context of climate transitions, exploring when and how such democratic innovations are likely to generate turbulence in the governance of climate transitions. A framework is developed that focuses on three important sets of characteristics of deliberative mini-publics (DMPs): (a) the nature of their formal mandates and the ways in which climate change is framed as a policy problem; (b) the nature of participation and the degree to which the participants are empowered to shape the deliberative processes in which they participate; and (c) the degree to which DMPs are coupled with relevant policymaking processes. This framework is used to explore two recent and high-profile cases of a particular type of DMP: citizens’ assemblies in Ireland and France. The article contributes to the literatures on turbulent governance and deliberative democracy by reflecting on key dimensions of DMPs from the analytical perspective of turbulent governance.
Cogitatio Press
2021-09-30 09:53:11
application/pdf
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/4382
Politics and Governance; Vol 9, No 3 (2021): Climate Governance and the European Green Deal in Turbulent Times
eng
Copyright (c) 2021 Diarmuid Torney
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/2686
2020-03-31T05:31:47Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
"200331 2020 eng "
2183-2463
dc
Towards Explaining Varying Degrees of Politicization of EU Trade Agreement Negotiations
De Bièvre, Dirk
Department of Political Science, University of Antwerp, Belgium https://orcid.org/0000-0003-3030-6492
Poletti, Arlo
Department of Sociology and Social Research, University of Trento, Italy
European Union; interest groups; mobilization; negotiations; politicization; public opinion; trade policy
Over the last decade, European Union (EU) trade agreement negotiations in the form of the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) and the Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement (CETA) with Canada have been strongly contested. By contrast, many other EU trade negotiations have sailed on with far less politicization, or barely any at all. In this contribution, we assess a series of plausible explanation for these very varying degrees of politicization across EU trade agreement negotiations—conceived of as the combination of polarization of opinions, salience given to them in public debate, and the expansion of the number of societal actors involved therein. Through a review of existing explanations, we show how each of these explanations faces a set of challenges. In the third section, we argue it is useful to conceive of these existing explanations as structural background conditions enabling agency on the part of interest group and civil society organizations. We therefore close by sketching how literature on the relationship between interest group mobilization and public opinion could inform further comparative research on trade policy negotiations, and on politicization of EU policy making in general.
Cogitatio Press
2020-03-31 03:18:07
application/pdf
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/2686
Politics and Governance; Vol 8, No 1 (2020): Politicization of EU Trade Policy across Time and Space
eng
Copyright (c) 2020 Dirk De Bièvre, Arlo Poletti
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/5958
2023-06-27T11:21:54Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
"230329 2023 eng "
2183-2463
dc
Class Struggle and International Economic Institutions: The Origins of the GATT and “Embedded Liberalism”
Bachand, Rémi
Department of Legal Studies, Université du Québec à Montréal, Canada
class struggle; Fordism; GATT; regime of accumulation
If one wants to get a grasp on the international institutional arrangement of what J. G. Ruggie called “embedded liberalism,” which included the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT), one must first carefully examine the conditions that made the regime of accumulation called Fordism possible. More precisely, it is essential to grasp how the particular evolution of class struggle in the US strongly influenced the organization of capitalism in this country, and subsequently the international institutions at the core of the embedded liberalism. Simply put, the thesis defended in this article is that the evolution of class struggle in the US in the 1930s and the following decades has been the main influence in the shaping of Fordism and an undervalued factor in the creation of the GATT. The GATT, in other words, is an agreement that strongly corresponds to the necessity of the management of the class struggle associated with Fordism.
Cogitatio Press
2023-03-29 00:00:00
application/pdf
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/5958
Politics and Governance; Vol 11, No 1 (2023): Re-Embedding Trade in the Shadow of Populism
eng
Copyright (c) 2023 Rémi Bachand
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/820
2018-12-12T07:20:32Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
"170327 2017 eng "
2183-2463
dc
The Effect of Direct Democratic Participation on Citizens’ Political Attitudes in Switzerland: The Difference between Availability and Use
Kern, Anna
Centre for Citizenship and Democracy, University of Leuven, Belgium
direct democracy; external efficacy; political attitudes; political participation; political trust
According to advocates of direct democracy, it is important to involve citizens more directly in political decision-making processes in order to create a democratic linkage between citizens and the political system. Indeed, some studies have demonstrated that citizens who live in direct democracies have higher levels of trust in political institutions and a higher sense of political efficacy. However, not all empirical evidence confirms this relationship. In a recent article on Switzerland, it was shown that, while the availability of direct democratic rights enhances trust in political institutions, using those rights actually initiates distrust. In this paper I expand the analysis of Bauer and Fatke (2014) and test whether the different effects of availability of direct democratic rights and the frequency of their use also hold for broader measures of trust in political institutions and political efficacy. I find that, even though an increased use of direct democratic measures is associated with lower levels of confidence in authorities on the cantonal level, this relationship is no longer apparent when applying a more comprehensive measurement of trust in political institutions.
Cogitatio Press
2017-03-22 00:00:00
application/pdf
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/820
Politics and Governance; Vol 5, No 2 (2017): Multidisciplinary Studies in Politics and Governance
eng
Copyright (c) 2017 Anna Kern
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/4081
2021-08-03T14:09:14Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
"210730 2021 eng "
2183-2463
dc
A New Research Agenda: How European Institutions Influence Law-Making in Justice and Home Affairs
Tacea, Angela
FWO—Research Foundation Flanders, Institute for European Studies, Vrije Universiteit Brussel, Belgium https://orcid.org/0000-0003-1794-8378
dataset; justice and home affairs; legislative procedure; text mining
The article presents a dataset on the legislative procedure in European Justice and Home Affairs (JHA) and a new method of data processeing. The dataset contains information on 529 procedures proposed between January 1998 and December 2017. For each of the legislative proposals, the dataset identifies the main elements of the legislative procedure (e.g., dates, types of procedure, directory codes and subcodes, actors, voting results, amendments, legal basis, etc.) and the changes introduced at each step of the legislative process from the text proposed by the European Commission to the final version published in the Official Journal of the European Union. This information has been gathered using text mining techniques. The dataset is relevant for a broad range of research questions regarding the EU decision-making process in JHA related to the balance of powers between European institutional actors and their capacity to influence the legislative outputs.
Cogitatio Press
2021-07-30 10:16:46
application/pdf
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/4081
Politics and Governance; Vol 9, No 3 (2021): Resilient Institutions: The Impact of Rule Change on Policy Outputs in European Union Decision-Making Processes
eng
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/download/4081/29663
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/download/4081/29664
Copyright (c) 2021 Angela Tacea
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/2192
2019-11-13T05:58:45Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
"191028 2019 eng "
2183-2463
dc
Food Citizenship and Governmentality: Neo-Communitarian Food Governance in The Hague
Jhagroe, Shivant
Leiden University, The Netherlands
food citizenship; food democracy; governmentality; neoliberalism; Transition Towns
This article presents an account of food citizenship based on a governmentality framework. Moving beyond the dichotomy of democratic or neoliberal accounts of food citizenship, a food governmentality framework is presented. This Foucaultian inspired framework conceptualises food citizenship as identity formation in relation to various modes of power that govern food systems and subjects in significantly different ways. The article empirically illustrates how food citizenship relates to food governmentality by focussing on the food-related activities of a Transition Town initiative in the Netherlands (The Hague) called Den Haag In Transitie (DHIT). By defining food as a community issue, and employing holistic-spiritual and collaborative knowledge, food citizens in the DHIT case render sustainable food systems governable in radically new ways. I argue that this type of citizenship can be considered neo-communitarian food citizenship and moves beyond democratic or neoliberal accounts. Finally, the article reflects on neo-communitarian citizenship and argues for a nuanced understanding of food citizenship, moving away from either democratic romanticism or neoliberal criticism.
Cogitatio Press
2019-10-28 05:20:51
application/pdf
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/2192
Politics and Governance; Vol 7, No 4 (2019): New Perspectives on Food Democracy
eng
Copyright (c) 2019 Shivant Jhagroe
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/5672
2023-01-02T12:53:18Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
"221230 2022 eng "
2183-2463
dc
How Partisanship Matters: A Panel Study on the Democratic Outcomes of Perceived Dirty Campaigning
Reiter, Franz
Department of Communication, University of Vienna, Austria https://orcid.org/0000-0002-3684-6433
Matthes, Jörg
Department of Communication, University of Vienna, Austria https://orcid.org/0000-0001-9408-955X
democratic outcomes; dirty campaigning; panel study; political incivility; political trust
Uncivil campaigning and deceitful campaign techniques are increasingly relevant phenomena in politics. However, it remains unclear how they share an underlying component and how partisanship can influence their associations with democratic outcomes. We introduce the concept of dirty campaigning, which is situated at the intersection of research on negative campaigning and political scandals. Dirty campaigning involves violations of social norms and liberal‐democratic values between elite political actors in terms of style and practices, such as uncivil campaigning and deceitful campaign techniques. In a two‐wave panel study (N = 634) during the 2021 German federal election campaign, we investigate the associations of perceived dirty campaigning by the least and most favorite party with distrust in politicians, trust in democracy, attitudes toward dirty campaigning regulation, as well as perceived harmful consequences of dirty campaigning for democracy. We find that perceived dirty campaigning by the least favorite party increases perceptions of harmful consequences of dirty campaigning for democracy over time. In contrast, perceived dirty campaigning by the most favorite party decreases perceptions of harmful consequences of dirty campaigning for democracy as well as attitudes toward dirty campaigning regulation over time. Perceptions of harmful consequences of dirty campaigning for democracy increase distrust in politicians over time and vice versa. Our findings suggest that the outcomes of dirty campaigning can depend on partisanship and can have important implications for the quality of democracy.
Cogitatio Press
2022-12-30 09:28:02
application/pdf
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/5672
Politics and Governance; Vol 10, No 4 (2022): Negative Politics: Leader Personality, Negative Campaigning, and the Oppositional Dynamics of Contemporary Politics
eng
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/download/5672/39263
Copyright (c) 2022 Franz Reiter, Jörg Matthes
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/3755
2021-05-03T06:40:01Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
"210428 2021 eng "
2183-2463
dc
Motivations and Intended Outcomes in Local Governments' Declarations of Climate Emergency
Ruiz-Campillo, Xira
Department of International Relations and Global History, Complutense University of Madrid, Spain https://orcid.org/0000-0002-9728-3945
Castán Broto, Vanesa
Urban Institute, Interdisciplinary Centre for the Social Sciences, University of Sheffield, UK https://orcid.org/0000-0002-3175-9859
Westman, Linda
Urban Institute, Interdisciplinary Centre for the Social Sciences, University of Sheffield, UK
cities; climate change; climate emergency; emergency declarations; local governments; performative acts; politics
Near 1,500 governments worldwide, including over 1,000 local governments, have declared a climate emergency. Such declarations constitute a response to the growing visibility of social movements in international politics as well as the growing role of cities in climate governance. Framing climate change as an emergency, however, can bring difficulties in both the identification of the most appropriate measures to adopt and the effectiveness of those measures in the long run. We use textual analysis to examine the motivations and intended outcomes of 300 declarations endorsed by local governments. The analysis demonstrates that political positioning, previous experience of environmental action within local government, and pressure from civil society are the most common motivations for declaring a climate emergency at the local level. The declarations constitute symbolic gestures highlighting the urgency of the climate challenge, but they do not translate into radically different responses to the climate change challenge. The most commonly intended impacts are increasing citizens’ awareness of climate change and establishing mechanisms to influence future planning and infrastructure decisions. However, the declarations are adopted to emphasize the increasing role cities are taking on, situating local governments as crucial agents bridging global and local action agendas.
Cogitatio Press
2021-04-28 03:52:22
application/pdf
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/3755
Politics and Governance; Vol 9, No 2 (2021): Is There a New Climate Politics? Emergency, Engagement and Justice
eng
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/download/3755/24367
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/download/3755/24368
Copyright (c) 2021 Xira Ruiz-Campillo, Vanesa Castán Broto, Linda Westman
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/575
2018-12-12T07:20:30Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
"160623 2016 eng "
2183-2463
dc
Explaining Japan’s Revolving Door Premiership: Applying the Leadership Capital Index
Burrett, Tina
Faculty of Liberal Arts, Sophia University, Japan
authority; Japan; leadership; prime minister
The tenure of Japanese prime ministers is famously short. Between 2006 and 2012 Japan changed prime minister once a year. What factors can explain Japan’s revolving-door premiership? To explore this puzzle, this article applies the Leadership Capital Index (LCI) developed by Bennister, ’t Hart and Worthy (2015) to case studies of the nine Japanese prime ministers holding office between 2000 and 2015. Leadership capital is the aggregate of leaders’ political resources: skills, relations and reputation. The LCI thus allows analysis of the interplay between individual capacities and contextual conditions in determining leaders’ ability to gain, maintain and deploy power. The LCI is applied to answer two questions. Firstly, what accounts for the short tenure of many Japanese premiers? In which of the LCI’s three leadership dimensions do Japanese leaders lack capital? Secondly, what forms of capital allow some prime ministers to retain office for longer than average (>2 years)? In particular, the article analyses the leadership of Junichiro Koizumi (2001–2006) Japan’s longest serving prime minister since the 1970s, and incumbent Prime Minister Shinzo Abe, who has held office for three years since December 2012. As well as utilising the LCI to comparatively analyse the tenure of Japan’s prime ministers, this article tests the applicability of the Index beyond Western parliamentary democracies.
Cogitatio Press
2016-06-23 11:12:46
application/pdf
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/575
Politics and Governance; Vol 4, No 2 (2016): New Approaches to Political Leadership
eng
Copyright (c) 2016 Tina Burrett
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/642
2018-12-12T07:20:31Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
"160811 2016 eng "
2183-2463
dc
Regional Organizations and Responsibility to Protect: Normative Reframing or Normative Change?
Barqueiro, Carla
School of Public and International Affairs, University of Baltimore, USA https://www.ubalt.edu/cpa/faculty/alphabetical-directory/carla-barqueiro.cfm
Seaman, Kate
School of Public and International Affairs, University of Baltimore, USA
Towey, Katherine Teresa
School of Public and International Affairs, University of Baltimore, USA
African Union; European Union; League of Arab States; norms; regional organizations; Responsibility to Protect
The adoption of the principle of the Responsibility to Protect (RtoP) by all United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) member states in 2005, and its reaffirmation in dozens of United Nations Security Council (UNSC) resolutions, indicate that there is a growing consensus around the world that egregious human rights violations necessitate a cooperative and decisive international response. But just as the political debates raged surrounding the precise articulation of RtoP between 2001 and 2005, so too goes the contemporary debate surrounding the implementation of RtoP. Regional divergences in RtoP implementation, in particular, have been noted by many scholars, as regional organizations implement those elements of RtoP that best suit their policy goals. This paper will apply recent scholarship on norm-lifecycles, specifically on “norm localization” to the operationalization of RtoP by regional organizations. We seek to explore regional divergences on RtoP implementation between the European Union (EU), League of Arab States (LAS), and the African Union (AU) on Libya and Syria. From this assessment, three main arguments will be put forward: (1) regional organizations remain politicized, reframing RtoP in divergent ways that dilute the strength of the norm, (2) politicization of the RtoP discourse constrains regional norm localization processes, (3) politicization and reframing of RtoP inhibit regional normative change and limit the potential for timely and decisive responses to protect civilians.
Cogitatio Press
2016-08-11 05:26:47
application/pdf
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/642
Politics and Governance; Vol 4, No 3 (2016): Supranational Institutions and Governance in an Era of Uncertain Norms
eng
Copyright (c) 2016 Carla Barqueiro, Kate Seaman, Katherine Teresa Towey
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/5326
2022-09-26T11:41:40Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
"220921 2022 eng "
2183-2463
dc
Closing the Implementation Gap: Obstacles in Reaching Net-Zero Pledges in the EU and Germany
Perino, Grischa
Department of Socioeconomics, University of Hamburg, Germany / Center for Earth System Research and Sustainability, University of Hamburg, Germany / Center for Sustainable Society Research, University of Hamburg, Germany https://orcid.org/0000-0001-6519-1029
Jarke-Neuert, Johannes
Center for Earth System Research and Sustainability, University of Hamburg, Germany
Schenuit, Felix
Center for Sustainable Society Research, University of Hamburg, Germany / German Institute for International and Security Affairs, Germany
Wickel, Martin
Center for Earth System Research and Sustainability, University of Hamburg, Germany / Department of Urban Planning, HafenCity University Hamburg, Germany
Zengerling, Cathrin
Institute for Environmental Social Sciences and Geography, University of Freiburg, Germany
ambition gap; climate policy; European Union; Germany; implementation gap
The European Union and Germany have recently committed themselves to greenhouse-gas neutrality by 2050 and 2045, respectively. This substantially reduces their gaps in ambition to the Paris climate goals. However, the current climate policy mix is not sufficient to reach these targets: There is a major implementation gap. Based on economic, legal, and political science perspectives, this article identifies key obstacles in legislating stringent climate policy instruments and making them effective. Using a simple framework, we map the stage of the process in which the obstacles are at work. Moreover, we discuss the potential effectiveness of a select list of prominent drivers of climate-related regulation in overcoming said obstacles and conclude by pointing towards conditions for closing the implementation gap. In doing so, we focus on the current legislative processes of the “Fit-for-55” package by the European Commission and the 2021 Federal Climate Change Act in Germany. Our analysis builds on the extant literature, and we suggest avenues for further research.
Cogitatio Press
2022-09-21 11:00:55
application/pdf
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/5326
Politics and Governance; Vol 10, No 3 (2022): Exploring Climate Policy Ambition
eng
Copyright (c) 2022 Grischa Perino, Johannes Jarke-Neuert, Felix Schenuit, Martin Wickel, Cathrin Zengerling
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/2150
2019-10-08T05:09:29Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
"190924 2019 eng "
2183-2463
dc
A New Approach to Map and Quantify Representative Claims and Measure Their Validation: A Case Study Analysis
Joschko, Viola
Department of Political Science, Goethe University, Germany
Glaser, Luis
Department of Computer Science, Goethe University, Germany
multiple correspondence analysis; parliamentary debate; reception; representation; representative claims; Saward; social media; women’s quota
Relying on the theory of Saward (2010) and Disch (2015), we study political representation through the lens of representative claim-making. We identify a gap between the theoretical concept of claim-making and the empirical (quantitative) assessment of representative claims made in the real world’s representative contexts. Therefore, we develop a new approach to map and quantify representative claims in order to subsequently measure the reception and validation of the claims by the audience. To test our method, we analyse all the debates of the German parliament concerned with the introduction of the gender quota in German supervisory boards from 2013 to 2017 in a two-step process. At first, we assess which constituencies the MPs claim to represent and how they justify their stance. Drawing on multiple correspondence analysis, we identify different claim patterns. Second, making use of natural language processing techniques and logistic regression on social media data, we measure if and how the asserted claims in the parliamentary debates are received and validated by the respective audience. We come to the conclusion that the constituency as ultimate judge of legitimacy has not been comprehensively conceptualized yet.
Cogitatio Press
2019-09-24 08:44:37
application/pdf
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/2150
Politics and Governance; Vol 7, No 3 (2019): Rethinking Representation: Representative Claims in Global Perspective
eng
Copyright (c) 2019 Viola Joschko, Luis Glaser
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/7415
2024-01-31T10:51:00Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
"240131 2024 eng "
2183-2463
dc
Subjective Well‐Being of NEETs and Employability: A Study of Non‐Urban Youths in Spain, Italy, and Portugal
Mazzocchi, Paolo
Department of Management and Quantitative Studies, University of Naples Parthenope, Italy
Agahi, Omeed
School of Education and Psychology, University of Girona, Spain
Beilmann, Mai
Institute of Social Studies, University of Tartu, Estonia
Bettencourt, Leonor
Instituto Universitário de Lisboa (ISCTE), CIS‐Iscte, Lisboa, Portugal
Brazienė, Rūta
Faculty of Philosophy, Vilnius University, Lithuania
Edisherashvili, Natalia
Institute of Education, University of Tartu, Estonia
Keranova, Dilyana
South‐West University “Neofit Rilski,” Bulgaria
Marta, Elena
Research Centre on Community Development and Organisational Quality of Life (CERISVICO), Università Cattolica del
Sacro Cuore, Italy
Milenkova, Valentina
South‐West University “Neofit Rilski,” Bulgaria
O’Higgins, Niall
International Labour Organization, Switzerland
Pizzolante, Federica
Department of Management and Quantitative Studies, University of Naples Parthenope, Italy
Prieto-Flores, Òscar
School of Education and Psychology, University of Girona, Spain
Rocca, Antonella
Department of Management and Quantitative Studies, University of Naples Parthenope, Italy
Rodrigues, Ricardo Borges
Instituto Universitário de Lisboa (ISCTE), CIS‐Iscte, Lisboa, Portugal
Rosa, Miriam
Instituto Universitário de Lisboa (ISCTE), CIS‐Iscte, Lisboa, Portugal
Simões, Francisco
Instituto Universitário de Lisboa (ISCTE), CIS‐Iscte, Lisboa, Portugal
Yurukov, Borislav
South‐West University “Neofit Rilski,” Bulgaria
European Union; Italy; NEETs; non‐urban youths; Portugal; public employment services; Spain; well‐being
Subjective well-being is of paramount importance when support is offered to young individuals seeking employment and social inclusion in general. The present study looks at different dimensions of youth well-being and the growing demands for skills to enable labour market integration. Based on survey data, this article examines the relationships between the role of public employment services in providing support and their impact on the subjective well-being of youth. Specifically, 1,275 not in education, employment, or training (NEET) rural youths from Italy, Portugal, and Spain participated in the survey. Drawing upon Bronfenbrenner’s bioecological model, the current study sets up a model which includes different factors at the micro-, meso-, exo-, and macro-system levels. The results show that non-urban NEETs’ subjective well-being is associated positively with public employment services availability, while the relationship with public employment services interaction and public employment services support is non-significant. A positive and significant relationship emerged also with self-efficacy and social support. Some recommendations for policymakers are discussed.
Cogitatio Press
2024-01-31 09:58:25
application/pdf
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/7415
Politics and Governance; Vol 12 (2024): Active Labour Market Policies and Youth Employment in European Peripheries
eng
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/download/7415/47114
Copyright (c) 2024 Paolo Mazzocchi, Omeed Agahi, Mai Beilmann, Leonor Bettencourt, Rūta Brazienė, Natalia Edisherashvili, Dilyana Keranova, Elena Marta, Valentina Milenkova, Niall O’Higgins, Federica Pizzolante, Òscar Prieto-Flores, Antonella Rocca, Ricardo Borges Rodrigues, Miriam Rosa, Francisco Simões, Borislav Yurukov
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/3206
2020-12-22T11:42:29Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
ec_fundedresources
driver
"201217 2020 eng "
2183-2463
dc
Experts in Government: What for? Ambiguities in Public Opinion Towards Technocracy
Ganuza, Ernesto
Institute of Public Goods and Policies, Spanish National Research Council, Spain https://orcid.org/0000-0001-5111-6730
Font, Joan
Institute of Advanced Social Studies, Spanish National Research Council, Spain https://orcid.org/0000-0002-2177-8538
democracy; experts; government; populism; representation; technocracy
Technocratic governments and similar systems that give more voice to experts in the decision-making process are one of the potential alternatives to traditional representative party government. These alternatives have become increasingly popular, especially in countries where strong political disaffection and previous favourable pro-expert attitudes exist simultaneously. The Spanish case is one of these settings, with the emergence of a political party, Ciudadanos (Citizens), that represents these ideas. This article contributes to the understanding of public opinion support for an expert government, its main motives, and social supports. We claim that experts are not so much a decision-making alternative as they are a desired piece of the decision-making process. Support for a more significant role for experts comes especially from those that credit them with ample technical capacities, but most citizens want them to work as a piece of representative government, not as an alternative to it. The article combines two types of evidence: A survey of a representative sample of the population, including innovative questions about support to expert governments, and 10 focus groups that allow a more in-depth comprehension of the support (and criticism) of an increased role for experts. The results provide a nuanced picture of the types of expert involvement sought and their respective social support.
Cogitatio Press
2020-12-17 03:56:25
application/pdf
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/3206
Politics and Governance; Vol 8, No 4 (2020): Varieties of Technocratic Populism around the World
eng
Copyright (c) 2020 Ernesto Ganuza, Joan Font
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/246
2023-12-27T08:56:40Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
"150811 2015 eng "
2183-2463
dc
Riding the Populist Web: Contextualizing the Five Star Movement (M5S) in Italy
Lanzone, Liza
Laboratoire ERMES, University of Nice Sophia-Antipolis, France
Woods, Dwayne
Department of Political Science, Purdue University, USA
corruption; crisis of representation; Five Star Movement; political caste; populism
This article focuses on three mechanisms to explain the rise of populist movements across Europe. They are politicization of resentment, exploitation of social cleavages, and polarization of resentment and feelings of non-representation. We conceptualize populism as a strategic power game aiming to transform potential majorities into real ones by creating or reframing social cleavages. Our theoretical model is used to explain the rise of the Five Star Movement (M5S). Beppe Grillo’s M5S gained notoriety on the national political scene in Italy just before the 2013 elections and succeeded in get-ting nearly 25 percent of the overall vote. Moreover, it was the only political force that was able to attract votes across the different regions in Italy, making it the country’s only truly national party.
Cogitatio Press
2015-04-28 00:00:00
application/pdf
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/246
Politics and Governance; Vol 3, No 2 (2015): Multidisciplinary Studies in Politics and Governance
eng
Copyright (c) 2015
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/1853
2020-09-09T03:24:11Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
"190328 2019 eng "
2183-2463
dc
Following, Challenging, or Shaping: Can Third Countries Influence EU Energy Policy?
Hofmann, Benjamin
Institute of Political Science, University of St. Gallen, Switzerland
Jevnaker, Torbjørg
Fridtjof Nansen Institute, Norway / Department of Political Science, University of Oslo, Norway
Thaler, Philipp
Institute of Political Science, University of St. Gallen, Switzerland https://orcid.org/0000-0003-2035-4124
Brexit; Energy Community; energy policy; European Economic Area; European Union; Europeanization; influence; Norway; Switzerland; third country
Can non-EU member states influence the EU’s energy policy? The Europeanization of energy policy in third countries is often described as a one-directional process in which these countries essentially adopt the EU energy acquis. Our article questions this dominant view by exploring whether and how third countries can influence the formulation and implementation of EU energy policy. We argue that relative differences in third country influence depend on their access to relevant venues and actors of EU policy-making as well as their structural power resources. We develop a typology linking these two factors to the outsider, follower, challenger, or shaper roles that third countries assume in EU energy governance. We empirically probe our argument in three case studies representing different models of EU–third country cooperation. Our cases include a group of nine Southeast and East European countries (Energy Community), Switzerland (bilateral arrangements), and Norway (European Economic Area). The analysis shows that it is access and structural power which together define the extent to which third countries are able to influence the formulation of EU energy policy and customize its implementation to their domestic needs. We find that while the Energy Community members are followers in EU energy governance, Switzerland and Norway are shapers. Strikingly, the influence of these two non-EU members may occasionally even surpass that of smaller EU member states. This highlights that third countries are not merely downloading EU energy regulation but sometimes also succeed in uploading their own preferences. Our contribution has implications for the post-Brexit EU–UK energy relations and qualifies claims about EU regulatory hegemony in the wider region.
Cogitatio Press
2019-03-28 00:00:00
application/pdf
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/1853
Politics and Governance; Vol 7, No 1 (2019): EU Energy Policy: Towards a Clean Energy Transition?
eng
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/download/1853/11330
Copyright (c) 2019 Benjamin Hofmann, Torbjørg Jevnaker, Philipp Thaler
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/4887
2022-05-18T12:52:04Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
"220421 2022 eng "
2183-2463
dc
Dimensions and Cartography of Dirty Money in Developing Countries: Tripping Up on the Global Hydra
Madrueño, Rogelio
Center for Advanced Security, Strategic and Integration Studies, University of Bonn, Germany https://www.cassis.uni-bonn.de/de/ueber-cassis/research-fellows/dr.-rogelio-madrueno https://orcid.org/0000-0002-4483-6980
Silberberger, Magdalene
Department of Philosophy, Politics and Economics, Witten/Herdecke University, Germany / Institute for Social and Institutional Change, Witten/Herdecke University, Germany https://www.uni-wh.de/detailseiten/kontakte/magdalene-silberberger-2289/f0/
developing countries; financial globalization; global governance; illicit financial flows
This article aims to analyze the challenges posed by the illicit financial flows (IFFs) that emerged from the consolidation and globalization of financial markets and the persistent and rising inequality of wealth and income. In a first step, we show the key dimensions behind IFFs (governance, trade, finance, taxation, monetary), which affect the multilateral order and promote new relations of dependence between the Global North and the Global South. In a second step, we analyze the cartographic representation of the developing world regarding the challenges posed by IFFs. We argue that IFFs are a subproduct of inefficient international policies and multilateral regulatory frameworks that have decreased the scope of action of nation-states and reduced the incentives for them to cooperate in certain areas of financial markets and global governance, such as international cooperation on tax and IFFs. In the article, we examine the multidimensionality of IFFs through multivariate techniques: More specifically, we use factor and cluster analysis methods based on the most recent information available between 2015 and 2020. Factor analysis reveals four main components behind this global problem: governance issues, foreign direct investment and trade-related issues, bank stability, and taxation. A clustering hierarchical solution provides four clusters of developing countries, in terms of phantom investment and trade misinvoicing, revealing the heterogeneous composition and shortcomings of the Global South. These results help understand the complexities behind IFFs and highlight the relevance of tailored actions to promote a more effective global governance system.
Cogitatio Press
2022-04-21 10:26:30
application/pdf
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/4887
Politics and Governance; Vol 10, No 2 (2022): Developing Countries and the Crisis of the Multilateral Order
eng
Copyright (c) 2022 Rogelio Madrueño, Magdalene Silberberger
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/3353
2020-11-19T06:16:25Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
"201103 2020 eng "
2183-2463
dc
Party Positions on Differentiated European Integration in the Nordic Countries: Growing Together, Growing Apart?
Leruth, Benjamin
Faculty of Arts, University of Groningen, The Netherlands https://orcid.org/0000-0002-1999-918X
Trondal, Jarle
ARENA Centre for European Studies, University of Oslo, Norway / Department of Political Science and Management, University of Agder, Norway
Gänzle, Stefan
Department of Political Science and Management, University of Agder, Norway
democratic values; differentiation; European Union; Nordic cooperation; party politics
The Nordic countries constitute an interesting laboratory for the study of differentiated European Integration. Even though Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Norway, and Sweden share some historical, cultural, socio-economic and political characteristics, all those countries have ultimately opted for a different kind of relationship with the EU. Whereas Finland, a member of the Eurozone since its inception in 1999, has been considered to be part of the Union’s ‘inner core’ for quite some time, Iceland and Norway, in contrast, have opted to remain outside the EU albeit closely associated via the European Economic Area Agreement. The variation of relationships has also been reflected in Nordic parties’ positioning vis-à-vis European integration in general and differentiation of European integration in particular. Broadly speaking, party families can be distinguished along traditional (e.g., agrarian, Christian democratic, conservative, and social democratic) and modern (e.g., socialist left, green, and populist radical right) ideological orientations. Although political parties belonging to both the traditional and modern Nordic party families have adopted different stances on European differentiated integration, we would assume—against the backdrop of Nordic cooperation—higher levels of transnational cooperation in European matters. Consequently, this article examines the similarities and differences between parties belonging to the same ideological family, and the extent of transnational party cooperation in the Nordic countries. Drawing on a series of interviews conducted with party representatives as well as on official party documents, this article shows that although institutionalized party cooperation mostly reflects divisions between party families, such institutionalization does not include a common vision for European integration. We conclude that the low level of partisan Nordic integration is primarily caused by domestic-level factors, such as intra-party divisions, government participation and public opinion.
Cogitatio Press
2020-11-03 00:00:00
application/pdf
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/3353
Politics and Governance; Vol 8, No 4 (2020): Rediscovering Nordic Cooperation
eng
Copyright (c) 2020 Benjamin Leruth, Jarle Trondal, Stefan Gänzle
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/7315
2024-01-05T16:56:45Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
"231229 2023 eng "
2183-2463
dc
Governing the EU’s Energy Crisis: The European Commission’s Geopolitical Turn and its Pitfalls
Siddi, Marco
Finnish Institute of International Relations, Finland / Department of Political and Social Science, University of Cagliari, Italy https://orcid.org/0000-0002-5881-5574
Prandin, Federica
Faculty of Political Science, University of Helsinki, Finland
energy; European Commission; European Union; geopolitics; Russia
European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen has been promoting the concept of a “geopolitical Commission” since her appointment in late 2019. Since then, successive crises—the Covid-19 pandemic, the ever-worsening climate crisis, and the war in Ukraine—have tested the Commission’s intention to turn the concept into practice. This is particularly evident in the field of energy politics following Russia’s attack on Ukraine. When the war started, Russia was the EU’s largest energy supplier. The EU’s desire to end its energy dependency on Russia called for “geopolitical actorness,” notably swift political and diplomatic initiatives to find alternative suppliers considering the rapidly changing geopolitical circumstances. To what extent and how did this occur? Did the Commission achieve its goal of becoming a geopolitical actor in the field of energy politics? What does geopolitical actorness imply for the EU’s energy policy and low-carbon transition? The article addresses these questions through an analysis of policy documents published by the von der Leyen Commission between 2019–2023, including the communications on the European Green Deal and Critical Raw Materials Resilience, the EU Hydrogen Strategy, the Global Gateway, the REPowerEU Plan, the External Energy Strategy, the Solar Energy Strategy, and the Green Deal Industrial Plan. The article argues that EU policy priorities progressively shifted from a focus on broad multilateral cooperation and open strategic autonomy to more narrowly defined strategic partnerships with “like-minded” Western and neighbouring countries. The 2022 war in Ukraine was a strong catalyst for this shift.
Cogitatio Press
2023-12-29 09:01:07
application/pdf
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/7315
Politics and Governance; Vol 11, No 4 (2023): Governing the EU Polycrisis: Institutional Change After the Pandemic and the War in Ukraine
eng
Copyright (c) 2023 Marco Siddi, Federica Prandin
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/4617
2021-12-14T11:07:11Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
"211210 2021 eng "
2183-2463
dc
The Catalan Syndrome? Revisiting the Relationship Between Income and Support for Independence in Catalonia
Muñoz, Jordi
Department of Political Science, Constitutional Law and Philosophy of Law, University of Barcelona, Spain http://jordimunoz.cat/ https://orcid.org/0000-0002-2078-4047
Catalonia; fiscal preferences; income; independence; Piketty; secessionism
The surge in support for independence in Catalonia (Spain) has received much political, journalistic, as well as academic attention. A popular account of the Catalan case stresses the allegation that motives relating to fiscal selfishness are behind the independence movement. The evidence presented in support of this argument is the positive correlation between income and support for independence. Some scholars, such as Thomas Piketty, even talk about a “Catalan syndrome,” according to which support for independence can ultimately be explained by fiscal selfishness and the prospect of creating a sort of tax haven in Catalonia. As prominent as this argument is, in this article I show that it rests on weak theoretical and empirical grounds. In order to do so, I reassess the existing evidence, using a more nuanced empirical strategy that allows for non-linear relations to emerge and controls for potential confounders. Then, I also present new evidence based on recently published census-tract level fiscal data, merged with election results. Finally, I spell out the mechanisms and observable implications of the “Catalan syndrome” argument and show that fiscal selfishness is not an important driver of the Catalan independence movement.
Cogitatio Press
2021-12-10 00:00:00
application/pdf
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/4617
Politics and Governance; Vol 9, No 4 (2021): Secessionism in Liberal Democracies: What Do We Really Know About the Explanations of Secessionism?
eng
Copyright (c) 2021 Jordi Muñoz
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/86
2023-12-27T09:01:52Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
"130530 2013 eng "
2183-2463
dc
From Needs to Rights—A Socio-Legal Account of Bridging Moral and Legal Universalism via Ethical Pluralism
Zwitter, Andrej J.
Department of Legal Theory, University of Groningen, Oude Kijk in 't Jatstraat 26, 9715 EK Groningen, The Netherlands
discursive action; ethical pluralism; human rights; moral universalism
The question of the universality of human rights has much in common with the question of the universality of ethics. In the form of a multidisciplinary reflexive survey, the aim of this article is to show how human rights discourses derive from more basic principles related to basic needs. These needs are the universal grammar for moral principles, which will be distinguished from ethical norms. Ethical norms, I will argue, are rules that develop in social groups to put into effect moral principles through communicative action and therefore develop as culturally specific norms, which guide behaviour within these social groups. This will explain why ethical norms contain some universal principles, but are largely culturally specific. In order to shed some light on the universality debate, I will show how moral principles translate into ethical norms and might manifest through communicative action in human rights law. For this purpose the article develops a socio-legal account on social norm-creation that bridges moral universality and legal universality via ethical pluralism, which in effect explains why despite the universality of moral principles, the outcomes of ethical rationales can vary extremely.
Cogitatio Press
2014-06-04 00:00:00
application/pdf
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/86
Politics and Governance; Vol 1, No 1 (2013): Multidisciplinary Studies in Politics and Governance
eng
Copyright (c)
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/1111
2019-07-02T04:47:59Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
"180925 2018 eng "
2183-2463
dc
Transnational Municipal Climate Networks and the Politics of Standardisation: The Contested Role of Climate Data in the New Global Covenant of Mayors for Climate and Energy
Gesing, Friederike
artec Sustainability Research Center, University of Bremen, Germany http://orcid.org/0000-0001-6405-0355
cities and climate change; Compact of Mayors; Covenant of Mayors; Global Covenant of Mayors for Climate and Energy; Global Protocol for Community-Scale Greenhouse Gas Emission Inventories; multi-level governance; municipal climate data
This article analyses the formation of a new global network, the Global Covenant of Mayors for Climate & Energy (GCoM), by two existing initiatives, the EU-based Covenant of Mayors and the UN-supported Compact of Mayors. While this merger of two transnational networks provides evidence for the increased coordination and standardisation of transnational municipal climate action, this remains a contentious and incomplete process. The article identifies different modes of transnational climate governance that have contributed to conflict between the founding networks and zooms in on the role of municipal climate data. Using empirical evidence, it analyses the contested politics of municipal climate data, including the role of the Global Protocol for Community-Scale Greenhouse Gas Emission Inventories (GPC) as a standard tool, the definition of a common target, and the inclusion of financial actors. Concerns over the reshaping of public-private boundaries and the possible commodification of public data are identified as major obstacles for the (EU) Covenant of Mayors, which consequentially seeks to remain as independent as possible within the new GCoM. Data politics emerges as a crucial factor for the future direction of transnational municipal climate policy and the ongoing processes of standardisation and coordination.
Cogitatio Press
2018-09-25 08:11:16
application/pdf
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/1111
Politics and Governance; Vol 6, No 3 (2018): Multidisciplinary Studies in Politics and Governance
eng
Copyright (c) 2018 Friederike Gesing
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/6735
2023-08-31T10:34:46Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
"230831 2023 eng "
2183-2463
dc
European Union’s Regulating of Social Media: A Discourse Analysis of the Digital Services Act
Schlag, Gabi
Faculty of Economic and Social Sciences, University of Tübingen, Germany https://orcid.org/0000-0001-7072-1143
content moderation; Digital Services Act; EU regulation; freedom of expression; social media platforms
Traditional conceptions of democratic publics are changing due to the rise of social media as a global communication tool. While social media brings people together globally and creates new spaces for creativity and resistance, it is also a space of harassment, discrimination, and violence. As recent debates about hate speech and the distribution of “fake news” have shown, the political responsibilities and consequences of regulating online content remain unclear. More recently, the EU is increasingly paying attention to platform providers. How is the EU legitimizing its new approach to social media platform regulation and how will this legislation shape transnational publics? This article contributes to ongoing debates on platform regulation by governments and other political authorities (especially the EU as a transnational legislator) and discussions about the shape of online publics. By applying a discourse analytical perspective, key legitimation narratives can be explored. I argue that the EU claims political authority over corporate interests by introducing new legislation to regulate social media platforms with the Digital Services Act. On the one hand, the EU imagines an idealized democratic online public without harmful and illegal content. On the other hand, the new legislation serves the EU’s agenda on digital sovereignty, taking back control from big and US-based enterprises. There is a strong consensus about four legitimation narratives: (a) “What is illegal offline has to be illegal online”; (b) the EU is “taking back control”; (c) the EU is “protecting small businesses, consumers, and our citizens against big tech”; (d) the EU is developing “a golden standard and rulebook beyond the EU.” Held together by the idea of democratic procedures, authority, and sovereignty, these narratives are demanding more action from social media providers to act on harmful and illegal content.
Cogitatio Press
2023-08-31 00:00:00
application/pdf
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/6735
Politics and Governance; Vol 11, No 3 (2023): Publics in Global Politics
eng
Copyright (c) 2023 Gabi Schlag
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/2919
2020-07-17T03:13:04Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
"200717 2020 eng "
2183-2463
dc
How Elite Politicization of Terror Impacts Sympathies for Partisans: Radical Right versus Social Democrats
Berntzen, Lars Erik
Department of Comparative Politics, University of Bergen, Norway
authoritarianism; partisanship; political conflict; political polarization; populism; radical right; social democrats; terrorism
The populist radical right is frequently engaged in intense political and normative conflict with their political opponents. Does this have a spillover effect on citizens’ sympathies for populist radical right voters and the voters of their political antagonists, and if so, why? This is a study of citizens’ affective evaluation of radical right and social democratic voters when exposed to intense conflict between the two parties at the elite level. It zooms in on the conflict between the Norwegian Progress Party and the Labour Party that revolves around the trauma of the 22 July 2011 terror attacks, in which a former Progress Party member committed two devastating attacks against the Labour government and Labour Youth summer camp. This is studied using a survey experimental approach, relying on panel data from the Norwegian Citizen Panel. Drawing on the authoritarian dynamics’ literature, it incorporates the four-item child-rearing values index measure of authoritarian predispositions which offers a personality-based explanation for why people react differently to threat. In contrast to the authoritarian dynamics’ literature, which has found that it is either authoritarians or non-authoritarians who react, this study finds that both authoritarians and non-authoritarians simultaneously respond to high-intensity political conflict. Whereas non-authoritarians rally in support of social democratic voters, authoritarians rally in support of radical right voters. Further differentiating between those with low and high authoritarianism scores, we see that low-authoritarians also become more hostile to social democratic voters. This indicates that conflict involving populist radical right parties is a driver of personality-based, affective sorting of citizens. Since personality is relatively stable, the resulting state of polarization is also likely to be quite durable.
Cogitatio Press
2020-07-17 03:43:49
application/pdf
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/2919
Politics and Governance; Vol 8, No 3 (2020): Populism and Polarization: A Dual Threat to Europe’s Liberal Democracies?
eng
Copyright (c) 2020 Lars Erik Berntzen
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/6495
2023-08-31T09:51:11Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
"230615 2023 eng "
2183-2463
dc
The Evolution of Village (Self)Governance in the Context of Post‐Communist Rural Society
Zhllima, Edvin
Faculty of Economy and Agribusiness, Agricultural University of Tirana, Albania / Center for Economic Research and Graduate Education—Economics Institute (CERGE‐EI), Czech Republic
Hayoz, Nicolas
Interfaculty Institute for Central and Eastern Europe, University of Fribourg, Switzerland
Imami, Drini
Faculty of Economy and Agribusiness, Agricultural University of Tirana, Albania / Center for Economic Research and Graduate Education—Economics Institute (CERGE‐EI), Czech Republic
Miftari, Iliriana
Faculty of Agriculture and Veterinary, University of Pristina, Kosovo
Albania; communism; council of elders; informal institutions; Kosovo; self‐governing mechanism; village headman
The role of the village headman and council of elders is very important in many societies. The focus of this article is to analyse the evolution and the role of the (informal) intermediary institutions and actors in the context of changing society’s patterns and political landscape transformations. This article focuses on Albania and Kosovo, where village self-governing mechanisms played a crucial role in avoiding (often deadly) social conflicts during the post-communism transition. The article relies on in-depth interviews with involved actors at the local level, using the framework of evolutionary governance theory. The study shows that the role of the council of elders and village headman has been strong and important in times of weak central and local governance, while it weakened in times of strong politicization and increasingly patronizing role of the central government, thus not allowing for a right balance between legitimate community representation and accountability toward upper levels of governance.
Cogitatio Press
2023-06-15 00:00:00
application/pdf
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/6495
Politics and Governance; Vol 11, No 2 (2023): Local Self-Governance and Weak Statehood: A Convincing Liaison?
eng
Copyright (c) 2023 Edvin Zhllima, Nicolas Hayoz, Drini Imami, Iliriana Miftari
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/1156
2019-07-02T04:47:57Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
"171229 2017 eng "
2183-2463
dc
The Illiberal Turn or Swerve in Central Europe?
Bustikova, Lenka
School of Politics and Global Studies, Arizona State University, USA http://orcid.org/0000-0002-0547-4120
Guasti, Petra
Democratic Innovations Unit, Goethe University Frankfurt, Germany
Czech Republic; democracy; democratic consolidation; Eastern Europe; Hungary; illiberalism; nationalism; Poland; populism; Slovakia
Scholars are coming to terms with the fact that something is rotten in the new democracies of Central Europe. The corrosion has multiple symptoms: declining trust in democratic institutions, emboldened uncivil society, the rise of oligarchs and populists as political leaders, assaults on an independent judiciary, the colonization of public administration by political proxies, increased political control over media, civic apathy, nationalistic contestation and Russian meddling. These processes signal that the liberal-democratic project in the so-called Visegrad Four (the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland and Slovakia) has been either stalled, diverted or reversed. This article investigates the “illiberal turn” in the Visegrad Four (V4) countries. It develops an analytical distinction between illiberal “turns” and “swerves”, with the former representing more permanent political changes, and offers evidence that Hungary is the only country in the V4 at the brink of a decisive illiberal turn.
Cogitatio Press
2017-12-29 04:34:45
application/pdf
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/1156
Politics and Governance; Vol 5, No 4 (2017): Populism and the Remaking of (Il)Liberal Democracy in Europe
eng
Copyright (c) 2017 Lenka Bustikova, Petra Guasti
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/2111
2019-11-13T05:58:45Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
"191028 2019 eng "
2183-2463
dc
Collective Agency in the Making: How Social Innovations in the Food System Practice Democracy beyond Consumption
Fernandez-Wulff, Paula
Center for Philosophy of Law, Université Catholique de Louvain, Belgium
alternative food systems; collective agency; food democracy; social innovations
As the deleterious impacts of conventional food systems on areas including public health, environmental sustainability, and farmers’ livelihoods are progressively unveiled, citizen-led initiatives have ubiquitously sprouted, collectively building what is now known as the alternative food system. Despite recent academic interest in the role of alternative food initiatives in countering a narrow view of democracy based on market-based purchasing power, little attention has been paid to a specific democratizing feature that allows for collective expression beyond consumption, that of collective agency. This article argues that it is precisely by focusing on collective agency as the driving force for food systems’ change that we can recognize the diverse contributions of social innovations to the democratization of food systems. By engaging with the reasonings of consumer sovereignty proponents, building on academic literature on the concept of collective agency, and drawing from empirical work with over a hundred local social innovations of the global North, this article proposes an agency typology that allows for parsing out its different dimensions, highlighting social innovations’ key role as agency enablers and agents of change in the democratization of food systems.
Cogitatio Press
2019-10-28 05:20:51
application/pdf
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/2111
Politics and Governance; Vol 7, No 4 (2019): New Perspectives on Food Democracy
eng
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/download/2111/13072
Copyright (c) 2019 Paula Fernandez-Wulff
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/5832
2022-11-28T16:00:56Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
"221124 2022 eng "
2183-2463
dc
Links Between Conspiracy Thinking and Attitudes Toward Democracy and Religion: Survey Data From Poland
Czech, Franciszek
Institute of Intercultural Studies, Jagiellonian University, Poland https://orcid.org/0000-0001-9499-4007
authoritarianism; conspiracy theory; conspiracy thinking; critical citizens; democracy; dissatisfied democrats; Poland; religion; survey data
Religion and democracy are not only social institutions but also objects of attitudes. This article focuses on conspiracy thinking and its links with attitudes toward religion and democracy. Due to its contextual character, the study is limited to Poland and the article intends to report the data on the subject from surveys conducted in this country. In terms of conspiracy thinking and attitudes toward religion, the literature review of existing Polish survey data (Study 1) led to the conclusion that not all types of religious life are correlated with conspiracy thinking. Individual spirituality (the centrality of religiosity and the quest orientation of religiosity) matters less in terms of conspiracy thinking than religion understood as a specific element of ideology (Polish Catholic nationalism, religious fundamentalism, or collective narcissism). In terms of attitudes toward democracy (Study 2), the original dataset is coded in a new way (as categorial variables) and then presented. It suggests that, contrary to earlier research, conspiracy thinking does not necessarily lead to the support of anti-democratic attitudes. Alienation as much as radicalization might be a consequence of conspiracy thinking. There is no significant difference in terms of conspiracy thinking between adherents of authoritarian rules and conditional democrats, indifferent democrats, or people with ambivalent opinions on democracy, described in comparative research on political culture as dissatisfied democrats or critical citizens. The lower level of conspiracy thinking has been identified only among consistent democrats.
Cogitatio Press
2022-11-24 09:49:35
application/pdf
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/5832
Politics and Governance; Vol 10, No 4 (2022): The Role of Religions and Conspiracy Theories in Democratic and Authoritarian Regimes
eng
Copyright (c) 2022 Franciszek Czech
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/3682
2021-03-02T04:49:35Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
"210226 2021 eng "
2183-2463
dc
A New Generation of Sustainability Governance: Potentials for 2030 Agenda Implementation in Swiss Cantons
Bornemann, Basil
Sustainability Research Group, Department of Social Sciences, University of Basel, Switzerland https://orcid.org/0000-0002-9435-1500
Christen, Marius
Sustainability Research Group, Department of Social Sciences, University of Basel, Switzerland
2030 agenda; governance transformation; government; subnational level; sustainability governance; Sustainable Development Goals; Switzerland
Governments and administrations at all levels play a central role in shaping sustainable development. Over the past 30 years, many have developed differentiated sustainability governance arrangements (SGAs) to incorporate sustainability into their governing practice. The 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, which the UN adopted in 2015, brings with it some significant conceptual shifts in sustainability thinking that, in turn, entail new governance requirements. Starting from practical calls for improved understanding of the requirements and conditions of 2030 Agenda implementation ‘on the ground,’ this article examines existing SGAs’ potential to deal with the generational shift that the 2030 Agenda implies. To this end, four ideal-typical SGAs representing an early generation of sustainability governance at the subnational level in Switzerland are related to five specific governance requirements emerging from the 2030 Agenda. The analysis highlights different possibilities and limitations of the four SGAs to meet 2030 Agenda requirements and points to the need for context-specific reforms of first-generation sustainability governance in the wake of the new Agenda.
Cogitatio Press
2021-02-26 03:32:43
application/pdf
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/3682
Politics and Governance; Vol 9, No 1 (2021): The 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development: Transformative Change through Sustainable Development Goals?
eng
Copyright (c) 2021 Basil Bornemann, Marius Christen
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/471
2018-12-12T07:20:30Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
"160229 2016 eng "
2183-2463
dc
The Impact of the Explosion of EU News on Voter Choice in the 2014 EU Elections
Kleinnijenhuis, Jan
Department of Communication Science, Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam, The Netherlands
van Atteveldt, Wouter
Department of Communication Science, Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam, The Netherlands
elections; European Parliament; media content analysis; news effects; panel survey; Ukraine; vote choice
The European elections in 2014 were the first to be held after a long period in which EU-related news was prominent in the media. They were held after years of daily news about the euro crisis and after months of news about the popular uprising in the Ukraine against president Yanukovych, who had refused to sign the association agreement with the EU. This could have invited political parties to overcome the usual problem of low salience of EU issues by strongly profiling themselves on EU issues. Turnout at the 2014 EU elections, however, remained low, hinting that parties were unable to convert the attention for European issues into enthusiasm for their party at the European elections. This paper asks how vote choice was influenced by party campaigning on EU related issues. A news effects analysis based on a content analysis of Dutch newspapers and television, and on a panel survey among Dutch voters revealed that EU issues functioned as wedge issues: the more strongly parties were associated in the news with the euro crisis and the Ukraine, the less they succeeded in mobilizing voters.
Cogitatio Press
2016-02-29 00:00:00
application/pdf
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/471
Politics and Governance; Vol 4, No 1 (2016): How Different Were the European Elections of 2014?
eng
Copyright (c) 2016 Jan Kleinnijenhuis, Wouter Van Atteveldt
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/7507
2024-03-13T11:06:15Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
"240313 2024 eng "
2183-2463
dc
Electoral Participation of Non‐National EU Citizens in France: The Case of the Nord
Kelbel, Camille
ESPOL‐LAB, Lille Catholic University, France
Gouard, David
CERTOP, University of Toulouse Jean Jaurès, France / CEPEL, University of Montpellier, France
von Nostitz, Felix
ESPOL‐LAB, Lille Catholic University, France
Lombard, Meredith
CERTOP, University of Toulouse Jean Jaurès, France
citizenship; electoral participation; European Union; France; migration; municipal elections; non‐national EU citizens
Since the 1993 Maastricht Treaty, EU citizens have the right to vote in European and local elections in the member state they reside in. In France, only about a quarter do so. Our article considers what factors explain the registration and participation of non-national citizens for the French Department of the Nord where around 35,000 non-French European citizens of voting age are living. Among them, 11,638 are registered to vote in the French municipal elections. Following the 2020 municipal elections, we have consulted the electoral rolls in each of the 648 communes to know who actually cast a vote. Based on detailed census data on each EU nationality and on other information contained on the electoral lists and rolls (age, gender, place of birth, etc.) and also contextual variables, this article seeks to identify the main factors associated with registering in the first instance and turning out to vote in the second. Our results confirm wide variation in registration and voting rates according to nationality. They also show that beyond voters’ nationality and the “usual suspects” of electoral participation, contextual factors are important predictors.
Cogitatio Press
2024-03-13 10:04:40
application/pdf
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/7507
Politics and Governance; Vol 12 (2024): The Political Representation and Participation of Migrants
eng
Copyright (c) 2024 Camille Kelbel, David Gouard, Felix von Nostitz, Meredith Lombard
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/1873
2019-07-02T04:48:04Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
"190627 2019 eng "
2183-2463
dc
American State Ballot Initiatives and Income Inequality
Dyck, Joshua J.
Political Science Department, University of Massachusetts - Lowell, USA
Hussey, Wesley
Political Science Department, California State University, USA
Lascher, Jr., Edward L.
Department of Public Policy & Administration, California State University, USA
direct democracy; life satisfaction; income inequality; state ballot initiatives; redistribution
Some have argued that the ballot initiative process prevalent in many American states might lower inequality. We contend this is improbable based on what is known about whether expansion of democracy leads to redistribution, the attitudes of citizens, and the characteristics of the initiative process. Nevertheless, the proposition needs testing. We examine three types of evidence. First, we analyze the content and passage of all post-World War II initiatives going to voters in California, a state that makes heavy use of ballot propositions. Second, we model institutional factors influencing differences in inequality at the state-level from 1976–2014 to test the aggregate-level effect of ballot initiatives on income inequality. Third, we use individual level data to evaluate the claim that frequent initiative use makes lower income people happier because it helps to reduce inequality. Our analyses consistently indicate that the ballot initiative process fails to reduce income inequality.
Cogitatio Press
2019-06-27 04:28:39
application/pdf
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/1873
Politics and Governance; Vol 7, No 2 (2019): The Politics, Promise and Peril of Direct Democracy
eng
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/download/1873/9760
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/download/1873/10539
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/download/1873/10542
Copyright (c) 2019 Joshua J. Dyck, Wesley Hussey, Edward L. Lascher, Jr.
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/5408
2022-09-26T11:41:40Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
"220921 2022 eng "
2183-2463
dc
Gender Heterogeneity and Politics in Decision-Making About Green Public Procurement in the Czech Republic
Plaček, Michal
Faculty of Social Sciences, Charles University, Czech Republic
del Campo, Cristina
Department of Financial and Actuarial Economics and Statistics, Complutense University of Madrid, Spain
Valentinov, Vladislav
Leibniz Institute of Agricultural Development in Transition Economies (IAMO), Germany
Vaceková, Gabriela
Faculty of Social Studies, Masaryk University, Czech Republic / Ambis University, Czech Republic
Šumpíková, Markéta
Ambis University, Czech Republic
Ochrana, František
Faculty of Social Sciences, Charles University, Czech Republic
decision-making; gender; green public procurement
Green public procurement (GPP) is a widely recognized public policy tool that has attracted considerable scholarly research. However, much of this research has paid little attention to the nature of discretionary decision-making on the part of bureaucrats and local politicians; nor has it recognized that a crucial determinant of the implementation of GPP is the extent to which women hold administrative and political positions. While GPP tends to be discussed as a tool for promoting gender equality, we draw on feminist insights to argue that doing so may be a tool for enhancing the uptake and implementation of GPP. Utilizing the data from a large-N survey among local politicians and upper-echelon bureaucrats in the Czech Republic, we develop a path analysis model exploring the influence of gender on their decision-making. The results give credence to our overall argument that women are more likely to promote GPP. This argument not only breaks new ground by revealing the gendered nature of GPP but also generates straightforward policy implications.
Cogitatio Press
2022-09-21 11:00:55
application/pdf
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/5408
Politics and Governance; Vol 10, No 3 (2022): Exploring Climate Policy Ambition
eng
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/download/5408/36866
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/download/5408/36867
Copyright (c) 2022 Michal Plaček, Cristina del Campo, Vladislav Valentinov, Gabriela Vaceková, Markéta Šumpíková, František Ochrana
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/2126
2019-10-08T05:09:29Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
"190916 2019 eng "
2183-2463
dc
Why Brexit Will Do Little to Change the Political Contours of the European Social Dimension
Copeland, Paul
School of Politics and International Relations, Queen Mary University of London, UK
Brexit; European integration; European social dimension; European Union; neoliberalism; social policy; United Kingdom
Integration within the European social dimension, understood as the EU’s competence in the field of employment and social policy, has been fraught with obstacles. Divisions between the EU’s Member States have limited integration and resulted in a complex and piecemeal system of governance that is low down on the EU’s list of priorities. The UK is often regarded as a major obstacle limiting the scope of integration in the field and this is not without good reason. Historically, the UK has formed coalitions to block policy negotiations within the European Council and has pushed for minimal neoliberal obligations in the field. The UK’s departure from the EU could result in a step-change for the European social dimension. However, as this article will argue, the UK’s departure from the EU will do little to alter the current dominance of a neoliberal market-led ideology, as it currently transcends the political agency of the UK.
Cogitatio Press
2019-09-16 03:12:43
application/pdf
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/2126
Politics and Governance; Vol 7, No 3 (2019): The Impact of Brexit on EU Policies
eng
Copyright (c) 2019 Paul Copeland
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/7224
2023-12-19T16:12:23Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
"231129 2023 eng "
2183-2463
dc
Implementation of EU Trade Agreements Under an Assertive, Open, and Sustainable Trade Policy
García, María J.
Department of Politics, Languages and International Studies, University of Bath, UK https://orcid.org/0000-0001-6019-639X
agreement enforcement; dispute; European Union; free trade agreements; preferential trade agreements; trade and sustainable development
Since the 2010s the EU has expanded its preferential trade agreements, responding to challenges at the World Trade Organization and preferential trade agreements of key geoeconomic competitors. However, preferential trade agreements are only as good as their implementation. The EU 2021 Trade Policy Review for a more assertive trade policy includes a greater focus on preferential trade agreement implementation. An analysis of preferential trade agreement implementation reports identifies challenges in operationalising these. It shows that since 2019 there has been an increase in EU recourse to formal dispute settlement mechanisms under preferential trade agreements demonstrating the shift to greater assertiveness. Interestingly, most of the cases are of limited economic significance to the EU but serve to reinforce the message of enforcement of trade rules.
Cogitatio Press
2023-11-29 09:19:57
application/pdf
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/7224
Politics and Governance; Vol 11, No 4 (2023): Economic Security and the Politics of Trade and Investment Policy in Europe
eng
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/download/7224/45765
Copyright (c) 2023 María J. García
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/3138
2020-12-17T09:59:55Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
"201210 2020 eng "
2183-2463
dc
Governing the Humanitarian Knowledge Commons
Mulder, Femke
Department of Organization Sciences, Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam, The Netherlands https://orcid.org/0000-0002-8564-4977
bureaucrats; commons governance; complex emergency; emergency operations centre; Ethiopia; ethnic conflict; humanitarians; knowledge commons; trust; wicked problem
Humanitarians and bureaucrats who are mandated to work together in complex emergencies face many challenges, especially in settings marked by conflict and displacement. High on the list of challenges are barriers to sharing knowledge freely. These barriers include (self)censorship, contested framings and priorities, deliberate ICT black-outs, and the withholding (or not collecting) of mission-critical information. These barriers exacerbate the gaps in knowledge sharing that occur as a result of a lack of time or capacity. This article conceptualises crisis knowledge as a ‘commons’: a shared resource that is subject to social dilemmas. The enclosure of the knowledge commons—brought about by the barriers outlined above—hampers daily operations as well as efforts to improve the situation in the long term. Trust is key to effective commons governance, as actors need to sacrifice personal benefits (e.g., control over information) for a collective good (e.g., shared learning). Knowledge and trust are deeply interlinked, as shared ways of knowing (alignment) foster trust, and trust fosters the sharing of knowledge. Given the hierarchical nature of humanitarian relationships, this article explores how power and networks shape this dynamic. It focuses on the humanitarian response to the 2018 Guji-Gedeo displacement crisis in the south of Ethiopia. It presents a qualitative analysis of how the governance arrangements that marked this response shaped emergency operations centres’ ability to manage the local knowledge commons effectively. It shows how in Guji-Gedeo, these arrangements resulted in a clustering of trust that strengthened barriers to knowledge sharing, resulting in a partial enclosure of the knowledge commons.
Cogitatio Press
2020-12-10 05:23:36
application/pdf
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/3138
Politics and Governance; Vol 8, No 4 (2020): The Politics of Disaster Governance
eng
Copyright (c) 2020 Femke Mulder
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/75
2020-07-22T04:32:45Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
"150331 2015 eng "
2183-2463
dc
Driven by Expertise and Insulation? The Autonomy of European Regulatory Agencies
Ossege, Christoph
SSM Policy & Coordination Unit, Federal Financial Supervisory Authority, Germany, and Bremen International Graduate School of Social Sciences (BIGSSS), Bremen University, Germany
autonomy; delegation; EU agencies; EU governance; expert advice; expertise; insulation; regulation; rulemaking
Expertise and autonomy are cornerstones to the effective operation and legitimacy of European Regulatory Agencies (ERAs). Yet, we know little about ERAs’ actual autonomy, nor about factors shaping it. This article studies ERAs’ actual autonomy from public and private actors, emphasising two crucial explanatory factors: expertise and rulemaking competences. The lack of insights on expertise is particularly striking, as expertise—the “raison d’être” and main resource of expert bodies—provides ERAs with a potentially powerful means to increase autonomy. Relying on a rational institutionalist framework within which ERAs enjoy substantive discretion to pursue their goals, the study empirically compares three powerful ERAs—the European Medicines Agency, the European Chemicals Agency, and the European Food Safety Authority. Based on the analysis of 39 semi-structured expert interviews, findings show that expertise is a crucial explanation for ERAs’ substantive autonomy from the Commission. Towards research intensive private stakeholders, the role of expertise becomes less pronounced. Instead, ERAs are more successful in protecting their autonomy by engaging in the risk-averse interpretation of the regulatory framework and by adapting rules over time to adapt their needs: they engage in “procedural insulation”. Political salience provides a scope condition for ERAs to use expert knowledge and rulemaking competences more strategically—potentially undermining scientific quality.
Cogitatio Press
2015-03-31 00:00:00
application/pdf
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/75
Politics and Governance; Vol 3, No 1 (2015): The Role of Expert Knowledge in EU Executive Institutions
eng
Copyright (c) 2015
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/1731
2020-09-09T03:24:11Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
"190328 2019 eng "
2183-2463
dc
A Big Data View of the European Energy Union: Shifting from ‘a Floating Signifier’ to an Active Driver of Decarbonisation?
Isoaho, Karoliina
Department of Social Research, University of Helsinki, Finland http://orcid.org/0000-0002-2506-6685
Moilanen, Fanni
Department of Social Research, University of Helsinki, Finland
Toikka, Arho
Department of Social Research, University of Helsinki, Finland
clean energy transition; energy policy; energy security; European Commission; European Union; policy integration; renewable energy; sustainability; topic modelling
The Energy Union, a major energy sector reform project launched by the European Commission in 2015, has substantial clean energy and climate aims. However, scholarly caution has been raised about their feasibility, especially with regards to accommodating climate objectives with other closely related yet often competing policy goals. We therefore investigated the policy priorities of the Energy Union by performing a topic modelling analysis of over 5,000 policy documents. A big data analysis confirms that decarbonisation and energy efficiency dimensions are major building blocks in the Energy Union’s agenda. Furthermore, there are signals of policy convergence in terms of climate security and climate affordability policies. However, our analysis also suggests that the Commission is not actively prescribing trajectories for renewable policy development or paying close attention to declining incumbent energy generation technologies. Overall, we find that the Energy Union is not a ‘floating signifier’ but rather has a clear and incrementally evolving decarbonisation agenda. Whether it further develops into an active driver of decarbonisation will largely be determined by the implementation phase of the project.
Cogitatio Press
2019-03-28 00:00:00
application/pdf
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/1731
Politics and Governance; Vol 7, No 1 (2019): EU Energy Policy: Towards a Clean Energy Transition?
eng
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/download/1731/8733
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/download/1731/8735
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/download/1731/9479
Copyright (c) 2019 Karoliina Isoaho, Fanni Moilanen, Arho Toikka
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/4772
2022-02-22T10:35:12Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
"220217 2022 eng "
2183-2463
dc
The Informational Consequences of Populism: Social Media News Use and “News Finds Me” Perception
González-González, Pablo
Democracy Research Unit, University of Salamanca, Spain https://orcid.org/0000-0003-2267-3911
Marcos-Marné, Hugo
Democracy Research Unit, University of Salamanca, Spain https://orcid.org/0000-0001-7085-9572
Llamazares, Iván
Democracy Research Unit, University of Salamanca, Spain https://orcid.org/0000-0003-2947-6830
Gil de Zúñiga, Homero
Democracy Research Unit, University of Salamanca, Spain / Department of Film Production and Media Studies, Pennsylvania State University, USA / Department of Communication, Universidad Diego Portales, Chile https://orcid.org/0000-0002-4187-3604
Europe; News Finds Me perception; news use; populism; social media
Prior studies have theorized a positive association between people’s populist attitudes and an increased use of social media to consume news, which will be mainly driven by individuals’ engagement with news that reflects their people-centered, anti-elitist, and Manichean understanding of politics. However, such general connection remains elusive. This research seeks to further clarify this strand of the literature by incorporating people’s belief that important political information will find them without actively seeking news—"News Finds Me” perception (NFM). For that, we use online survey data from two European countries that differ regarding the ideological political supply side of populism (Italy and Portugal). The main results suggest that citizens who hold stronger populist attitudes will also develop stronger NFM. Furthermore, findings reveal a mediating effect of social media news use on the effects of populist attitudes over NFM. That is, those who hold stronger populist attitudes tend to use social media to get exposed to public affairs news more often, which in turn explains the development of the NFM. These results emphasize the importance of systematically exploring citizens populists’ attitudes within today’s social media, social networks, and complex information systems.
Cogitatio Press
2022-02-17 10:19:12
application/pdf
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/4772
Politics and Governance; Vol 10, No 1 (2022): Analyzing Citizen Engagement with European Politics Through Social Media
eng
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/download/4772/34043
Copyright (c) 2022 Pablo González-González, Hugo Marcos-Marné, Iván Llamazares, Homero Gil de Zúñiga
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/2825
2020-09-18T08:10:14Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
"200918 2020 eng "
2183-2463
dc
Trans* Politics and the Feminist Project: Revisiting the Politics of Recognition to Resolve Impasses
Saeidzadeh, Zara
Department of Gender Studies, Örebro University, Sweden https://orcid.org/0000-0002-1464-8874
Strid, Sofia
Department of Gender Studies, Örebro University, Sweden https://orcid.org/0000-0001-7822-4563
antagonism; coalitional intersectionality; feminist politics; identity; misrecognition; status; trans* politics
The debates on, in, and between feminist and trans* movements have been politically intense at best and aggressively hostile at worst. The key contestations have revolved around three issues: First, the question of who constitutes a woman; second, what constitute feminist interests; and third, how trans* politics intersects with feminist politics. Despite decades of debates and scholarship, these impasses remain unbroken. In this article, our aim is to work out a way through these impasses. We argue that all three types of contestations are deeply invested in notions of identity, and therefore dealt with in an identitarian way. This has not been constructive in resolving the antagonistic relationship between the trans* movement and feminism. We aim to disentangle the antagonism within anti-trans* feminist politics on the one hand, and trans* politics’ responses to that antagonism on the other. In so doing, we argue for a politics of status-based recognition (drawing on Fraser, 2000a, 2000b) instead of identity-based recognition, highlighting individuals’ specific needs in society rather than women’s common interests (drawing on Jónasdóttir, 1991), and conceptualising the intersections of the trans* movement and feminism as mutually shaping rather than as trans* as additive to the feminist project (drawing on Walby, 2007, and Walby, Armstrong, and Strid, 2012). We do this by analysing the main contemporary scholarly debates on the relationship between the trans* movement and feminism within feminist and trans* politics. Unafraid of a polemic approach, our selection of material is strategic and illuminates the specific arguments put forward in the article.
Cogitatio Press
2020-09-18 08:04:40
application/pdf
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/2825
Politics and Governance; Vol 8, No 3 (2020): Trans* Politics: Current Challenges and Contestations
eng
Copyright (c) 2020 Zara Saeidzadeh, Sofia Strid
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/6830
2023-11-16T17:37:35Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
ec_fundedresources
driver
"230927 2023 eng "
2183-2463
dc
Multiheaded Federations: The EU and Canada Compared
Fossum, John Erik
ARENA Centre for European Studies, University of Oslo, Norway
Canada; European Union; federalism; multiheaded federation; multilevel governance; multinational federation
The purpose of this article is to assess the merits of comparing the EU and Canada from a federal perspective. The point of departure is that both are federal-type entities that represent deviations from the standard or mainstream American model of federalism. That has given rise to alternative conceptions, multilevel governance for the EU, and a multinational federation for Canada. The article discusses the limitations of each such notion and instead argues for the merits of seeing both as different versions of multiheaded federation which is a useful analytical device for analyzing contestation over federalism within federal-type entities. This notion directs our attention to those with power and in the position to shape the political system’s federal-constitutional nature and design, which normally happens in the realm of constitutional politics. It is the fundamental struggle over sovereignty within a federal-type structure that gives rise to the notion of a multiheaded federation—there are multiple heads because there is no willingness to accept a hierarchical arrangement. The notion of a multiheaded federation is particularly suitable for capturing (de)federalisation processes and dynamics.
Cogitatio Press
2023-09-27 00:00:00
application/pdf
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/6830
Politics and Governance; Vol 11, No 3 (2023): United in Uniqueness? Lessons From Canadian Politics for European Union Studies
eng
Copyright (c) 2023 John Erik Fossum
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/4530
2021-11-29T13:20:52Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
"211124 2021 eng "
2183-2463
dc
No Strong Leaders Needed? AfD Party Organisation Between Collective Leadership, Internal Democracy, and “Movement-Party” Strategy
Heinze, Anna-Sophie
Trier Institute for Democracy and Party Research (TIDUP), Faculty of Political Science, University of Trier, Germany
Weisskircher, Manès
Department of Sociology and Human Geography, University of Oslo, Norway / Center for Research on Extremism (C-REX), University of Oslo, Norway
AfD; intra-party democracy; leadership; movement-party; party organisation; populism; radical right
This article analyses the formal and lived organisation of the Alternative für Deutschland (AfD, Alternative for Germany). We show that the party is exceptional among what is usually understood as the populist radical right (PRR) party family, at least from an organisational perspective: The AfD sharply contradicts the “standard model” of PRR party organisation, which emphasises “charismatic” leadership and the centralisation of power as key features. Instead, studying the AfD’s efforts to adopt some elements of a mass-party organisation and its relatively decentralised decision-making underlines the importance of “movement-party” strategy, collective leadership, and internal democracy—concepts that are usually associated with Green and left-wing parties. Our analysis shows how the party’s organisation is essential for understanding its development more broadly as it reflects and reinforces sharp intra-party conflict. From this perspective, the case of the AfD sheds new light on the relationship between PRR party organisation and electoral success, indicating the importance of strong ties to parts of society over effective internal management as long as demand for anti-immigration parties is high. We conclude that even though AfD quickly built up a relatively inclusive organisational structure, the role of both its leadership and its rank-and-file is still a matter of controversy.
Cogitatio Press
2021-11-24 10:02:39
application/pdf
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/4530
Politics and Governance; Vol 9, No 4 (2021): Right-Wing Populist Party Organisation Across Europe: The Survival of the Mass-Party?
eng
Copyright (c) 2021 Anna-Sophie Heinze, Manès Weisskircher
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/1456
2019-07-02T04:48:00Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
"180914 2018 eng "
2183-2463
dc
Gender Knowledge, and Opposition to the Feminist Project: Extreme-Right Populist Parties in the Netherlands
Verloo, Mieke
Institute for Management Research, Radboud University, the Netherlands
episteme; Europe; extreme right; sciences; gender equality; gender knowledge; political party; sexual equality; social complexity theory; the Netherlands
This article aims to better understand current opposition to feminist politics by analyzing positions of extreme-right populist parties on gender knowledge, “explicit and implicit representations concerning the differences between the sexes and the relations between them, the origins and normative significance of these, the rationale and evidence underpinning them and their material form” (Cavaghan, 2017, p. 48). These understandings contribute to constructing a societal truth on gender and/or to setting the terms of the political debate about gender issues. This article introduces and uses the theoretical concept of episteme to highlight the systematic nature of discursive institutional settings, and the role knowledge and truth production plays in processes reproducing or countering gender inequality. The article analyzes the positions of extreme-right populist parties in the Netherlands and their discursive attacks on the feminist project in the Netherlands, in which these opponents use a redefined concept of ‘cultural Marxism’. Through this analysis, the article illustrates the theoretical argument that epistemic dynamics play a strong role in opposition to feminist politics, that the shifting epistemic framing of science is important in these oppositions and that more comprehensive attention for the epistemic dimension is needed.
Cogitatio Press
2018-09-14 04:12:05
application/pdf
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/1456
Politics and Governance; Vol 6, No 3 (2018): The Feminist Project under Threat in Europe
eng
Copyright (c) 2018 Mieke Verloo
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/6391
2023-08-31T09:50:38Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
"230517 2023 eng "
2183-2463
dc
Twitting Against the Enemy: Populist Radical Right Parties Discourse Against the (Political) “Other”
Cervi, Laura
Department of Journalism and Communication Sciences, Autonomous University of Barcelona, Spain https://orcid.org/0000-0002-0376-0609
Tejedor, Santiago
Department of Journalism and Communication Sciences, Autonomous University of Barcelona, Spain
Villar, Mónica Gracia
Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities, Universidad Europea del Atlántico, Spain
character assassination; demonization; Italy; Lega; political discourse; populism; populist radical right; social media; Spain; Twitter; Vox
There is a common agreement in considering populism as a Manichean worldview that oversimplifies and polarizes political options reducing them to a symbolical struggle between an “us” and a “them.” “Us” is embodied by “the people,” equated with “good,” and “them” is identified by political “Others,” often embodied by “the elites” who are depicted as inherently “evil.” Naturally, the nature and composition of the people and the elite vary according to both ideology and political opportunities. This article examines the discursive construction of political opponents in two populist radical right parties: Lega in Italy and Vox in Spain. Based on the analysis of a selection of tweets by the two party leaders, Santiago Abascal and Matteo Salvini, this study applies clause-based semantic text analysis to detect the main discursive representations of political opponents. The article concludes that Salvini focuses all the attention on the left, while Abascal, although predominantly identifying the left as the main enemy, also targets pro-independence parties. The discursive construction of the “enemy” is based on two main strategies: demonization, the framing of opponents as “enemies of the people” who, along with dangerous “Others” such as immigrants, conspire against the “people” and are blamed for everything that is “wrong” in society; secondly, character assassination of individual politicians through personal attacks, which aim to undermine their reputation and deflect attention from the real issues towards their personal traits and actions.
Cogitatio Press
2023-05-17 00:00:00
application/pdf
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/6391
Politics and Governance; Vol 11, No 2 (2023): Hate Speech, Demonization, Polarization, and Political Social Responsibility
eng
Copyright (c) 2023 Laura Cervi, Santiago Tejedor, Mónica Gracia Villar
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/2611
2020-07-17T02:44:54Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
"200602 2020 eng "
2183-2463
dc
Gatekeeping the Plenary Floor: Discourse Network Analysis as a Novel Approach to Party Control
Bhattacharya, Caroline
Department of Political and Economic Studies, University of Helsinki, Finland https://orcid.org/0000-0002-2488-1119
Bundestag; Christian Democrats; discourse network analysis; euro crisis; Germany; legislative behaviour; party politics; political discourse; social networks
In the German parliament, the Bundestag, floor time is a scarce resource and is allocated to MPs by leaders of their respective parliamentary party groups. Previous research indicates that highly salient plenary debates tend to be dominated by party leaders and other loyal frontbenchers. Plenary speeches can therefore offer only limited insights into party unity. Any MP can give a so-called ‘explanation of vote’ (EoVs) to justify their voting decision and/or express their point of view. These written statements provide a more accurate depiction of the range of viewpoints present within legislative parties. In order to assess the effect of party control on observed party unity and parliamentary contestation, discourse network analysis has been employed in this study to compare legislative speech with EoVs in debates on the Greek crisis between 2010 and 2015. Discourse network analysis combines content analysis with an actor-centred approach, and this is the first time this method has been used to study party control and (dis)unity. Bundestag debates on the Greek crisis present an interesting case study, as the issue became increasingly controversial over time, both in the public and the legislature. While this became evident in declining voting unity and individual-level mobilisation through EoVs, the extent to which gatekeeping impedes contestation on the plenary floor needs to be assessed. In terms of representation, it is important that European Union issues not only make it to the plenary agenda but that these debates also reflect the different viewpoints of MPs.
Cogitatio Press
2020-06-02 00:00:00
application/pdf
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/2611
Politics and Governance; Vol 8, No 2 (2020): Policy Debates and Discourse Network Analysis
eng
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/download/2611/19591
Copyright (c) 2020 Caroline Bhattacharya
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/1070
2019-07-02T04:47:56Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
"171214 2017 eng "
2183-2463
dc
Dispute Settlement for Labour Provisions in EU Free Trade Agreements: Rethinking Current Approaches
Marx, Axel
Leuven Centre for Global Governance Studies, KU Leuven, Belgium
Ebert, Franz
Max Planck Institute for Comparative Public Law and International Law, Germany
Hachez, Nicolas
Leuven Centre for Global Governance Studies, KU Leuven, Belgium
EU; labour rights; trade agreements; trade policy
While labour provisions have been inserted in a number of EU free trade agreements (FTAs), extant clauses are widely perceived as ineffective. This article argues that there is a need to rethink the dispute settlement mechanisms related to labour provisions if their effectiveness is to be increased. It proceeds in three steps. First, we look at the current state of the art of labour provisions in EU FTAs in terms of legal design and practice and argue that the current arrangements are ill-equipped to foster compliance with labour standards. Second, we explore avenues to enhance the design of FTA labour provisions by reconsidering basic elements of the dispute settlement structure. Examining US FTA labour provisions, we highlight the importance of a formal complaint mechanism, on the one hand, and the availability of economic sanctions, on the other. Based on a review of existing practice, we contend, however, that these elements alone are not sufficient to effectively enforce FTA labour provisions. We argue that for FTA labour provisions to be effective, the current state-to-state model of dispute settlement needs to be complemented by a third-party-state dimension and that, additionally, there are good reasons to consider a third party–third party dispute settlement component. We ground these reflections in experiences with already existing instruments in other areas, namely investor-state dispute settlement and voluntary sustainability standards. Thirdly, we discuss options to better connect the dispute settlement mechanisms of FTA labour provisions to other international instruments for labour standards protection with a view to creating synergies and avoiding fragmentation between the different regimes. The focus here is on the International Labour Organization’s supervisory mechanism and the framework of the OECD Guidelines for Multinational Enterprises.
Cogitatio Press
2017-12-14 03:16:26
application/pdf
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/1070
Politics and Governance; Vol 5, No 4 (2017): Labour Standards in a Global Environment
eng
Copyright (c) 2017 Axel Marx, Franz Ebert, Nicolas Hachez
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/3961
2021-09-01T13:09:43Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
"210827 2021 eng "
2183-2463
dc
Perceptions, Resentment, Economic Distress, and Support for Right-Wing Populist Parties in Europe
Ferrari, Diogo
Department of Political Science, University of California – Riverside, USA https://orcid.org/0000-0003-2454-0776
economic conditions; economic distress; populism; voting behavior
Research has demonstrated that resentful emotions toward the politics and perceptions of being culturally and economically threatened by immigration increase support for populist parties in some European countries, and that macro-level economic conditions engender those perceptions and emotions and increase populist support. This article reveals that household-level economic conditions also affect perceptions of cultural and economic threat by immigrants. Low- and middle-income populations are more vulnerable to suffer economic distress due to macro-level factors such as import shock, which can increase their resentment toward democracy, and their perceptions that immigration is a cultural and economic threat, therefore increasing the likelihood to vote for populist parties. A mediation analysis using the European Social Survey data from 2002 to 2018 provides evidence for the argument.
Cogitatio Press
2021-08-27 10:10:51
application/pdf
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/3961
Politics and Governance; Vol 9, No 3 (2021): Reactionary Politics and Resentful Affect in Populist Times
eng
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/download/3961/30383
Copyright (c) 2021 Diogo Ferrari
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/2540
2020-03-05T05:22:45Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
"200305 2020 eng "
2183-2463
dc
How Do Populist Voters Rate Their Political Leaders? Comparing Citizen Assessments in Three Jurisdictions
Seijts, Gerard
Ivey Business School, Western University, Canada
Clercy, Cristine de
Department of Political Science, Western University, Canada https://politicalscience.uwo.ca/people/faculty/full-time_faculty/cristine_de_clercy.html https://orcid.org/0000-0001-6800-6001
Canada; leaders; leadership; politics; populism; United Kingdom; United States
Drawing from the field of management studies, we explore how a sample of voters in the United States, Canada, and the United Kingdom use a leader character framework to judge political leadership. We ask, how do voters actually assess the character of their current leaders? And, in light of the populist zeitgeist, do people who hold a populist attitude differ markedly in how they judge the character of political leaders? Our results show that voters generally consider character important. However, voters who lean toward populism believe character matters less in political leadership than individuals who scored low on the populism indicator. This durable difference merits more exploration in a political context marked by populism. Our findings about the factors that influence vote choice contribute to this conversation and to extant research that reports that some voters pay greater attention to leader characteristics than do others.
Cogitatio Press
2020-03-05 04:33:44
application/pdf
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/2540
Politics and Governance; Vol 8, No 1 (2020): Leadership, Populism and Power
eng
Copyright (c) 2020 Gerard Seijts, Cristine de Clercy
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/6151
2023-06-27T11:22:06Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
"230222 2023 eng "
2183-2463
dc
Political Pathways and Performance of Women Opposition Leaders in Indonesia and South Korea
Choi, Nankyung
Department of Political Science and Public Administration, Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam, The Netherlands
Indonesia; political pathways; political performance; South Korea; substantive representation; women opposition leader
While some world regions have seen women opposition leaders with no ties to political families rise to national leadership, in East Asia, women opposition leaders who ascend to national executive positions have been largely limited to the wives, daughters, or sisters of prominent male politicians. Locally, however, there have been some broadening and diversification of women who seek and win executive office through oppositional politics. Given the small number of women opposition leaders who have gained leadership positions in the government, this article develops an interpretive study of the relationship between becoming “critical actors” and doing “critical acts” as women opposition leaders. Using four illustrative cases of women who have pursued executive power through oppositional politics, this article questions whether and how the variation in women’s pathways affects their exercise of power in Indonesia and South Korea, two young though consolidating democracies in East Asia. Drawing on the biographies and policies of two presidents (Megawati Soekarnoputri and Park Geun-hye) and two mayors (Tri Rismaharini and Kim Soo-young) it shows that local women opposition leaders use their executive leadership to initiate and implement public policies, unlike their national counterparts whose pathways and performance are intertwined with family background. By doing so, the article sheds light on the complex nexus between political pathways and performance of women opposition leaders.
Cogitatio Press
2023-02-22 00:00:00
application/pdf
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/6151
Politics and Governance; Vol 11, No 1 (2023): Women Opposition Leaders: Pathways, Patterns, and Performance
eng
Copyright (c) 2023 Nankyung Choi
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/3913
2021-07-02T18:17:54Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
"210615 2021 eng "
2183-2463
dc
Demographic Disparities Using Ranked-Choice Voting? Ranking Difficulty, Under-Voting, and the 2020 Democratic Primary
Coll, Joseph A.
Department of Political Science, University of Iowa, USA https://orcid.org/0000-0002-2795-6542
Democratic primaries; elections; electoral systems; ethnic; race; ranked choice voting; United States of America
Ranked choice voting (RCV) has become increasingly popular in recent years, as more jurisdictions in the US adopt the voting system for local, state, and federal elections. Though previous studies have found potential benefits of RCV, some evidence suggests ranking multiple candidates instead of choosing one most preferred candidate may be difficult, with potential demographic disparities linked to age, gender, or racial or ethnic identity. Further, these difficulties have been assumed to cause individuals to improperly fill out RCV ballots, such as ranking too many or not enough candidates. This study seeks to answer three interrelated questions: 1) Which demographic groups find it difficult to rank candidates in RCV elections? 2) Who is more likely to cast under-voted ballots (not ranking all candidates)? 3) Is there a relationship between finding RCV voting difficult and the likelihood of casting an under-voted ballot? Using unique national survey data of 2020 Democratic primary candidate preferences, the results indicate most respondents find ranking candidates easy, but older, less interested, and more ideologically conservative individuals find it more difficult. In a hypothetical ranking of primary candidates, 12% of respondents under-voted (did not rank all options). Despite their perceived increased difficulty, older individuals were less likely to under-vote their ballot. No other demographic groups consistently experienced systematic differences in ranking difficulty or under-voting across a series of model specifications. These findings support previous evidence of older voters having increased difficulty, but challenge research assuming difficulty leads to under-voting, and that racial and ethnic groups are disadvantaged by RCV.
Cogitatio Press
2021-06-15 09:32:50
application/pdf
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/3913
Politics and Governance; Vol 9, No 2 (2021): The Politics, Promise and Peril of Ranked Choice Voting
eng
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/download/3913/25616
Copyright (c) 2021 Joseph A. Coll
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/776
2018-12-12T07:20:32Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
"170315 2017 eng "
2183-2463
dc
From the 8-Hour Day to the 40-Hour Week: Legitimization Discourses of Labour Legislation between the Wars in France and Belgium
Rudischhauser, Sabine
Centre de Recherches Mondes Modernes et Contemporains, Université Libre de Bruxelles, Belgium
Belgium; France; Georges Scelle; Henri Velge; labour legislation; Paul Grunebaum-Ballin; public–private regulation
In the interwar period both France and Belgium passed legislation reducing the number of working hours and established a hybrid regulatory regime lending a certain degree of official authority to collective agreements. The paper analyses discourses by scholars who, as experts, were close to the political elites, and who tried to legitimize this kind of co-regulation by pointing out the inefficiency of state intervention and the epistemic authority of non-state actors. Stressing the output dimension of legitimacy and the improved quality of legal norms, these discourses had a technocratic tendency and ultimately argued in favour of a shift of power from the legislative to the administrative branch of government.
Cogitatio Press
2017-03-15 06:04:20
application/pdf
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/776
Politics and Governance; Vol 5, No 1 (2017): Legitimization of Private and Public Regulation: Past and Present
eng
Copyright (c) 2017 Sabine Rudischhauser
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/4903
2022-05-23T10:56:30Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
"220518 2022 eng "
2183-2463
dc
The European Union, the United States, and Trade: Metaphorical Climate Change, Not Bad Weather
Schwartz, Herman Mark
Department of Politics, University of Virginia, USA https://uva.theopenscholar.com/hermanschwartz/ https://orcid.org/0000-0002-5571-3644
European Union; institutions; power; Schumpeter; technology; trade
US and EU trade relations exhibit a set of chronic and secularly unsustainable imbalances, in which new Schumpeterian leading sectors and catch-up growth create growing tension in the asymmetrical and somewhat hierarchical US–EU relationship. These imbalances exhibit two distinct cycles interrupted by a clear structural break in the 1970s and an emerging cycle after the 2008–2010 crises. Each cycle has seen rising US current account or trade deficits with Europe provoke some financial or political crisis. Each crisis produced a US-led solution producing even greater imbalances in the next cycle, with concomitant stress on the asymmetric US–EU relationship. The EU and particularly the northern eurozone economies typically have relied on export surpluses for growth. But relying on export surpluses for growth reinforces EU dependence on the US and the US dollar at a time when US domestic politics are increasingly hostile to trade deficits and tension with China is rising.
Cogitatio Press
2022-05-18 13:23:12
application/pdf
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/4903
Politics and Governance; Vol 10, No 2 (2022): Out With the Old, In With the New? Explaining Changing EU–US Relations
eng
Copyright (c) 2022 Herman Mark Schwartz
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/3062
2020-12-17T09:59:55Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
"201210 2020 eng "
2183-2463
dc
Drivers of Change in National Disaster Governance under the Hyogo Framework for Action
Wanner, Maximilian S. T.
Department of Government, Uppsala University, Sweden / Centre of Natural Hazards and Disaster Science, Uppsala University, Sweden https://orcid.org/0000-0003-4299-283X
accountability mechanisms; climate change adaptation; disaster governance; disaster risk reduction; Hyogo Framework for Action; policy change; punctuated equilibrium
Many suggestions have been made on what motivates countries to expand their measures for disaster risk reduction (DRR), including the frequency and severity of natural hazards, accountability mechanisms, and governance capacity. Despite the fact that theoretical arguments have been developed and evidence collected from small-scale case studies, few studies have attempted to explain the substantial variation in the adoption of DRR measures across countries. This study combines available data on DRR measures, natural hazard events, governance, and socioeconomic characteristics to provide a systematic assessment of the changes that have occurred in the state of DRR at the national level. In line with theoretical explanations, there are indeed associations between several measures of frequency and severity and the development of DRR status. Additionally, voice and accountability mechanisms, as well as development aid, might facilitate positive change. Although these first results of a global comparative study on change in DRR have to be taken cautiously, it is a step forward to understanding the drivers of change at the national level.
Cogitatio Press
2020-12-10 05:23:36
application/pdf
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/3062
Politics and Governance; Vol 8, No 4 (2020): The Politics of Disaster Governance
eng
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/download/3062/17699
Copyright (c) 2020 Maximilian S. T. Wanner
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/7345
2024-01-05T16:56:45Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
"231229 2023 eng "
2183-2463
dc
The Institutional Ingredients of Polycrisis Management: Unpacking European Council’s Handling of the Energy Crisis
Smeets, Sandrino
Institute for Management Research, Radboud University, The Netherlands
Beach, Derek
Department of Political Science, Aarhus University, Denmark
energy crisis; EU institutions; European Council; polycrisis; process management
This article analyses how the European Council and the institutional infrastructure that supports it have been managing the early stages of the energy crisis. This was the time when the European Council, as the “control room” of EU crisis management, was unable to come up with any solutions to high energy prices. It makes a methodological and empirical contribution to the debate on how the European Council system manages (poly)crises. Methodologically, we introduce the method of embedded process tracing to study EU crisis management from within. Embedded process tracing combines mainstream causal process tracing techniques with elements from interpretivist approaches, to deal with context dependency, case heterogeneity, and empirical density. Empirically, we offer a process-management analysis of the first nine months of the energy crisis. We delineate the roles of various actors and institutions: the president of the European Council, the Council Secretariat, the Commission president, and the Commission Services. We unpack the crucial ingredients of polycrisis management: how to get and keep an issue on the agenda, how to shape and steer European-Council-level debates and conclusions, and how to ensure a proper follow-up by the Commission and the Council. Finally, we re-assess the image of the malfunctioning control room and show the causal relevance of the European Council’s early performance.
Cogitatio Press
2023-12-29 09:01:07
application/pdf
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/7345
Politics and Governance; Vol 11, No 4 (2023): Governing the EU Polycrisis: Institutional Change After the Pandemic and the War in Ukraine
eng
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/download/7345/48515
Copyright (c) 2023 Sandrino Smeets, Derek Beach
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/79
2023-12-27T09:01:17Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
"141110 2014 eng "
2183-2463
dc
The Problem of Mismatch in Successful Cross-Sectoral Collaboration
Soininen, Maritta
Department of Political Science, Stockholm University, 10691 Stockholm, Sweden
cross-sectoral collaboration; management rationale; mismatch
When facing the challenge of new global employment dynamics and the demand for the creation of economic growth and new jobs, joint cross-sectoral efforts to pool market and public sector resources promise to make the most of the complementary strengths, competencies and perspectives of different actors. The topic addressed here is the impact that management rationale—bureaucratic and entrepreneurial—has on cross-sectoral collaboration, and in particular how a mismatch in goals and norms between sectoral actors and the overall management rationale may affect joint efforts in terms of the capacity to recruit relevant actors and establish sustainable collaboration. The empirical findings, which are based on two cases of cross-sectoral co-operation—the EU programme EQUAL and the Swedish VINNVÄXT programme—suggest that management rationale is an important factor in accounting for success of cross-sectoral initiatives and that a mismatch risks undermining smooth co-operation and thereby policy delivery.
Cogitatio Press
2014-06-09 00:00:00
application/pdf
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/79
Politics and Governance; Vol 2, No 2 (2014): Multidisciplinary Studies in Politics and Governance
eng
Copyright (c)
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/1528
2019-07-02T04:48:01Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
"181228 2018 eng "
2183-2463
dc
Understanding Emotions in Policy Studies through Foucault and Deleuze
Durnová, Anna
Institute for Advanced Studies, Austria
Deleuze; emotion; Foucault; interpretation; interpretive analysis; knowledge; meaning; policy studies
Discussing Foucault’s and Deleuze’s work on meaning-making, the article argues that we might make better use of the intersubjectivity of a meaning when interpreting emotions. Interpreting emotions in texts remains complicated because discussion on the ontological character of emotions sustains an opposition of emotion to meaning structures. Both Foucault and Deleuze conceive meaning-making through permanent oscillation between the subjective accounts of a meaning and its collective interpretation. These two dimensions are not in conflict but create meaning through their interdependence. On the basis of this interdependence, we can conceive of an interpretive analysis of emotions as a way to study language means that label particular emotions as relevant, legitimized, or useful. This shift of the debate on emotions away from what emotions are and toward what they mean enhances the critical shape of interpretive analysis of emotions because it uncovers conflicts hidden behind the veil of allegedly neutral policy instruments.
Cogitatio Press
2018-12-28 05:19:32
application/pdf
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/1528
Politics and Governance; Vol 6, No 4 (2018): Interdisciplinary Approaches to Studying Emotions within Politics and International Relations
eng
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/download/1528/7271
Copyright (c) 2018 Anna Durnová
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/4774
2022-01-31T11:46:13Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
"220126 2022 eng "
2183-2463
dc
Understanding the EU’s Response to LGBTI Rights Violations: Inter-Institutional Differences and Social Sanctions
Saltnes, Johanne Døhlie
ARENA Centre for European Studies, University of Oslo, Norway https://www.sv.uio.no/arena/english/people/aca/johannds/index.html https://orcid.org/0000-0001-9896-7516
Mos, Martijn
Institute of Political Science, Leiden University, The Netherlands https://www.universiteitleiden.nl/en/staffmembers/martijn-mos#tab-1 https://orcid.org/0000-0001-8006-2970
EU; LGBTI; Lithuania; norm violations; sanctions; sexuality; Uganda
This article aims to enrich the literature on EU sanctions in two ways. First, it argues that the absence of material sanctions does not imply a non-response. When faced with human rights violations, policymakers enjoy a third option besides exerting material pressure or refraining from intervening. They may instead employ what constructivist scholars call social sanctions. This option consists of verbally calling out the violators, either publicly, through a naming-and-shaming strategy, or diplomatically via political dialogue and demarches. Social sanctions can be a credible alternative or complement to material sanctions. Second, we argue for the importance of disaggregating the EU as a sender of sanctions. A non-response by executive institutions does not mean that the EU as a whole is standing idly by. Looking at social sanctions alongside material ones more accurately describes the choices policymakers face when designing their response to human rights violations. We demonstrate the value of our arguments by examining the EU’s various responses to LGBTI rights violations in Lithuania and Uganda.
Cogitatio Press
2022-01-26 10:13:25
application/pdf
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/4774
Politics and Governance; Vol 10, No 1 (2022): Beyond Foreign Policy? EU Sanctions at the Intersection of Development, Trade, and CFSP
eng
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/download/4774/33272
Copyright (c) 2022 Johanne Døhlie Saltnes, Martijn Mos
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/2968
2020-09-11T04:14:54Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
"200911 2020 eng "
2183-2463
dc
Geostrategic Renewable Energy Transition in Turkey: Organizational Strategies Towards an Energy Autonomous Future
Dolunay, Özge
Chair of Social and Population Geography, University of Bayreuth, Germany
decentralization; development; electricity market; energy transition; renewable energy; social power; Turkey
The geographical location of Turkey in the Asia Minor places the country in a delicate geostrategic position determined by its history, ideological structure, politics and energy economy. The Turkish government has defined its main energy strategies with the goal of reaching 30% renewables by 2023. Key strategies declared are the prioritization of energy supply security, the consideration of environmental concerns, and an increase in efficiency and productivity through the establishment of transparent and competitive market conditions through reform and liberalization. This article analyses the renewable energy (RE) transition of Turkey from a fully centralised energy management model towards a system of partially centralization through the unbundling of utility companies. Analysis will utilize Michael Mann’s theory on the four sources of social power as an alternative organizational means of social control and the interrelations of ideological, economic, political and military power. The recent history of Turkey’s RE transition and government plans for sector development will be investigated from a socio-spatial and organizational perspective. Furthermore, the way in which these socio-spatial relations have been shaping electricity market liberalization and the preparedness of the state to share its power with non-state actors is discussed. The potential of a centralised RE management model to inspire ‘decentralised’ RE management in other geographies is considered. In conclusion, key factors in the organisation of the (de)centralised electricity transitions are found to be dependent on history, geography, and overlapping relations of social power.
Cogitatio Press
2020-09-11 00:00:00
application/pdf
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/2968
Politics and Governance; Vol 8, No 3 (2020): Politics and (Self-)Organisation of Electricity System Transitions in a Global North–South Perspective
eng
Copyright (c) 2020 Özge Dolunay
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/6767
2023-08-31T10:41:06Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
"230831 2023 eng "
2183-2463
dc
Public Legitimation by “Going Personal”? The Ambiguous Role of International Organization Officials on Social Media
Ecker-Ehrhardt, Matthias
Käte Hamburger Kolleg/Centre for Global Cooperation Research (KHK/GCR21), University of Duisburg‐Essen, Germany https://orcid.org/0000-0001-8396-1234
digital diplomacy; echo chambers; emotional labor; global publics; international organizations; self‐legitimation; social media
International organizations increasingly use social media to target citizens with an abundance of content, which tends to stylize officials across ranks as the “personal face” of institutional processes. Such practices suggest a new degree of access to the every day of multilateralism that has traditionally taken place on camera and with the aid of diplomatic discretion. What is more, in these practices the intuitive truth of images on social media often blends with a more credible expression of emotional states—such as enthusiasm, sympathy, anger, or shame—which facilitates the legitimation of international organizations as credible agents of shared values and norms. At the same time, however, such personalization arguably suggests a problematic dependency on the credible conduct of international organization officials as it might undermine institutional claims to depersonalized “rational-legal” authority in international politics and local arenas of implementation alike. Also, it aggravates existing problems of decoupling action in global governance from its political symbolism, because international organizations use social media by and large to communicate “top-down,” despite claiming a more personal mode of communication among peers. To illustrate this argument, the article takes on content shared by leading officials of the UN, the IMF, the WHO, and the WTO on Twitter.
Cogitatio Press
2023-08-31 00:00:00
application/pdf
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/6767
Politics and Governance; Vol 11, No 3 (2023): Publics in Global Politics
eng
Copyright (c) 2023 Matthias Ecker-Ehrhardt
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/1228
2018-12-12T07:20:34Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
"180403 2018 eng "
2183-2463
dc
Organising for Co-Production: Local Interaction Platforms for Urban Sustainability
Perry, Beth
Urban Institute and Urban Studies and Planning, University of Sheffield, UK https://www.researchgate.net/profile/Beth_Perry2 http://orcid.org/0000-0002-4335-1869
Patel, Zarina
Department of Environmental and Geographical Sciences, University of Cape Town, South Africa
Bretzer, Ylva Norén
Department of Public Administration, University of Gothenburg, Sweden
Polk, Merritt
School of Global Studies, University of Gothenburg, Sweden
boundary spaces; co-production; collaborative governance; hybridization; local interaction platforms; Mistra Urban Futures; transdisciplinarity; urban experimentation; urban sustainability
Urban sustainability is a wicked issue unsuited to management through traditional decision-making structures. Co-productive arrangements, spaces and processes are inscribed in new organisational forms to bridge between diverse forms of knowledge and expertise. This article suggests that local interaction platforms (LIPs) are innovative responses to these challenges, developed in two African and two European cities between 2010 and 2014. Through elaborating the design and practice of the LIPs, the article concludes that the value of this approach lies in its context-sensitivity and iterative flexibility to articulate between internationally shared challenges and distinctive local practices. Six necessary conditions for the evolution of LIPs are presented: anchorage, co-constitution, context-sensitivity, alignment, connection and shared functions. In the context of increased uncertainty, complexity and the demand for transdisciplinary knowledge production, the platform concept has wider relevance in surfacing the challenges and possibilities for more adaptive urban governance.
Cogitatio Press
2018-04-03 04:31:05
application/pdf
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/1228
Politics and Governance; Vol 6, No 1 (2018): Co-Producing Urban Governance for Social Innovation
eng
Copyright (c) 2018 Beth Perry, Zarina Patel, Ylva Norén Bretzer, Merritt Polk
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/4438
2021-11-24T11:47:16Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
"211028 2021 eng "
2183-2463
dc
Asylum Migration, Borders, and Terrorism in a Structural Gravity Model
Carril-Caccia, Federico
Department of Spanish and International Economics, Faculty of Economics and Business, University of Granada, Spain / Deusto Business School, University of Deusto, Spain
Paniagua, Jordi
Department of Applied Economics II, Faculty of Economics, University of Valencia, Spain / Kellogg Institute for International Studies, University of Notre Dame, USA
Requena, Francisco
Department of Applied Economics II, Faculty of Economics, University of Valencia, Spain
asylum migration; forced migration; internally displaced persons; structural gravity; terrorism
In this article, we examine the impact of terrorist attacks on asylum-related migration flows. So far, the literature that examines the “push factors” such as terrorism that explain forced migration has omitted the fact that the vast majority of people forced to flee typically do so toward other locations within the country. The novel feature of our research is the estimation of a structural gravity equation that includes both international migration and internally displaced persons (IDP), a theoretically consistent framework that allows us to identify country-specific variables such as terror attacks. For that purpose, we use information on the number of asylum applications, the number of IDP, and the number of terrorist attacks in each country for a sample of 119 origin developing countries and 141 destination countries over 2009–2018. The empirical results reveal several interesting and policy-relevant traits. Firstly, forced migration abroad is still minimal compared to IDP, but globalization forces are pushing up the ratio. Secondly, terror violence has a positive and significant effect on asylum migration flows relative to the number of IDP. Thirdly, omitting internally displaced people biases downward the impact of terrorism on asylum applications. Fourthly, we observe regional heterogeneity in the effect of terrorism on asylum migration flows; in Latin America, terrorist attacks have a much larger impact on the number of asylum applications relative to IDP than in Asia or Africa.
Cogitatio Press
2021-10-28 00:00:00
application/pdf
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/4438
Politics and Governance; Vol 9, No 4 (2021): Migration and Refugee Flows: New Insights
eng
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/download/4438/31619
Copyright (c) 2021 Federico Carril-Caccia, Jordi Paniagua, Francisco Requena
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/1329
2019-07-02T04:47:58Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
"180611 2018 eng "
2183-2463
dc
Enacting Expertise: Ritual and Risk in Cybersecurity
Shires, James
Department of Politics and International Relations, University of Oxford, UK http://orcid.org/0000-0002-7481-4037
conference; cybersecurity; expertise; Middle East; performance; skills gap
This article applies the concept of ritual to cybersecurity expertise, beginning with the cybersecurity “skills gap”: the perceived lack of suitably qualified professionals necessary to tackle contemporary cybersecurity challenges. It proposes that cybersecurity expertise is best understood as a skilled performance which satisfies decision-makers’ demands for risk management. This alternative understanding of cybersecurity expertise enables investigation of the types of performance involved in key events which congregate experts together: cybersecurity conferences. The article makes two key claims, which are empirically based on participant observation of cybersecurity conferences in the Middle East. First, that cybersecurity conferences are ritualized activities which create an expert community across international boundaries despite significant political and social differences. Second, that the ritualized physical separation between disinterested knowledge-sharing and commercial advertisement at these conferences enacts an ideal of “pure” cybersecurity expertise rarely encountered elsewhere, without which the claims to knowledge made by cybersecurity experts would be greatly undermined. The approach taken in this article is thus a new direction for cybersecurity research, with significant implications for other areas of international politics.
Cogitatio Press
2018-06-11 07:46:46
application/pdf
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/1329
Politics and Governance; Vol 6, No 2 (2018): Global Cybersecurity: New Directions in Theory and Methods
eng
Copyright (c) 2018 James Shires
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/6220
2023-06-27T11:21:54Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
"230329 2023 eng "
2183-2463
dc
International Investment Law in the Shadow of Populism: Between Redomestication and Liberalism Re‐Embedded
Santos, Álvaro
Georgetown University Law Center, Georgetown University, USA
Calvo doctrine; embedded liberalism; foreign direct investment; ISDS reform; international investment law; Latin America; neoliberalism; populism; redomestication
The international investment regime is in crisis, nowhere more so than in regard to the investor–state dispute settlement system. While several developing countries have been critical of the system for some time, rich countries like the US and EU states—once the principal promoters of this regime—are now acknowledging problems and advancing reforms. This change of position has been fueled by the mobilization of civil society and the emergence of domestic populist movements on both the right and the left, reflecting widespread discontent with the past three decades of neoliberal globalization and its effects on job losses, lower wages, and increasing inequality. This article argues that this shift has opened up a unique opportunity for developing countries that want reform, as there is less pressure (real or imagined) from rich countries to continue with an old model that no longer serves. Two paths present a possible way forward: (a) Participating countries can disengage from investor–state dispute settlement and opt for the redomestication of international investment law, rekindling the Calvo doctrine, or (b) they can follow John G. Ruggie’s “embedded liberalism” to re-embed the international investment regime with values and social objectives that are now deemed politically indispensable. This article explores each of these paths, with a particular focus on Latin America. It argues that although populism creates pressures to change or abandon the regime, in developing countries it also generates constraints that may prolong the status quo.
Cogitatio Press
2023-03-29 00:00:00
application/pdf
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/6220
Politics and Governance; Vol 11, No 1 (2023): Re-Embedding Trade in the Shadow of Populism
eng
Copyright (c) 2023 Álvaro Santos
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/2697
2020-05-28T04:46:54Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
"200528 2020 eng "
2183-2463
dc
Press Freedom and Corruption Perceptions: Is There a Reputational Premium?
Breen, Michael
School of Law and Government, Dublin City University, Ireland https://orcid.org/0000-0002-5857-9938
Gillanders, Robert
Business School, Dublin City University, Ireland / Department of Economics, Hanken School of Economics, Finland
corruption; corruption perception; press freedom; media freedom; premiums
Many studies find a strong association between press freedom and corruption perceptions (Adsera, Boix, & Payne, 2003; Brunetti & Weder, 2003; Freille, Haque, & Kneller, 2007). However, it is possible that this relationship is driven by experts’ belief that limits on press freedom are associated with corruption. This article tests the association between press freedom and corruption perceptions using objective measures of corruption from the World Bank’s Enterprise Surveys, a series of representative surveys of the owners and top managers of private firms in the manufacturing and service sectors. Our findings suggest that there is a reputational premium associated with press freedom: Holding corruption experiences constant, corruption perceptions are improved by greater press freedom. Moreover, we find that the developed world is best placed to avail of this premium, as it is most evident in countries with low to moderate levels of corruption by global standards.
Cogitatio Press
2020-05-28 04:39:59
application/pdf
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/2697
Politics and Governance; Vol 8, No 2 (2020): Fighting Corruption in the Developed World: Dimensions, Patterns, Remedies
eng
Copyright (c) 2020 Michael Breen, Robert Gillanders
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/1023
2018-12-12T07:20:33Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
"170929 2017 eng "
2183-2463
dc
Strategic Narratives and Alliances: The Cases of Intervention in Libya (2011) and Economic Sanctions against Russia (2014)
Roselle, Laura
Department of Political Science, Elon University, USA
alliances; European Union; Libya; Russia; strategic narratives; Ukraine
Scholars of international communication recognize that strategic narratives are important for policymaking (Miskimmon, O’Loughlin, & Roselle, 2013) and scholars studying alliances suggest that communication is central to the formation and maintenance of alliances (Weitsman, 2010). This essay addresses how strategic narratives affect US alliance behavior—and hence international order—in two specific ways. First, alliance behavior can be affected by other allies’ narratives as demonstrated in the case of military intervention in Libya in 2011. Here the evidence suggests that the UK and France were able to use strategic narratives to influence the decision of the US to agree to military intervention in Libya by using narratives that could evoke a fear of abandonment. Second, alliance cohesion can be affected by narrative contestation by non-allies as demonstrated in the case of the Ukrainian crisis in 2014. Russia has used strategic narratives in a new media environment in an attempt to elicit a fear of entrapment to counter the US attempts to coordinate alliance support for economic sanctions. In both cases, distinguishing between system, identity, and policy narratives give us a deeper understanding of narrative contestation today. This analysis adds to our understanding of the factors that affect alliances set within a new media environment characterized by a proliferation of sources and outlets and thus a more horizontal structure of information exchange.
Cogitatio Press
2017-09-29 00:00:00
application/pdf
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/1023
Politics and Governance; Vol 5, No 3 (2017): Narratives of Global Order
eng
Copyright (c) 2017 Laura Roselle
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/4243
2021-08-17T11:16:15Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
ec_fundedresources
driver
"210813 2021 eng "
2183-2463
dc
Pragmatism and the Limits to the European Parliament’s Strategies for Self-Empowerment
Closa Montero, Carlos
Institute of Public Goods and Policies, Spanish National Research Council, Spain / School of Transnational Governance, European University Institute, Italy https://orcid.org/0000-0002-2935-1926
González de León, Felipe
Institute of Public Goods and Policies, Spanish National Research Council, Spain
Hernández González, Gisela
Institute of Public Goods and Policies, Spanish National Research Council, Spain
accountability; Covid-19; economic governance; economic policy; empowerment; European Parliament; negotiation
Despite the European Parliament’s (EP) growing role, its influence and scrutiny capacity remain considerably weaker than the role traditionally reserved for parliaments in economic and fiscal policy decision-making at the national level. The EP has exploited any opportunity to enhance these powers: In particular, the EP has a record of using crisis and extraordinary situations to expand its role beyond the formal prerogatives given to the institution. Following this literature, this article examines the role and influence of the EP on economic and fiscal policy, focusing on the response to the Covid-19 crisis. Negotiation of the Recovery and Resilience Facility presents an auspicious area to analyse the strategies implemented by the EP to influence the outcome and reinforce its position in EU economic governance. The article will look specifically at the formal and informal mechanisms used by the EP during the crisis to expand its powers. Moreover, it utilises a research design that combines the content analysis of several official/public documents and statements from key members of the European Parliament (MEPs) involved in economic policy.
Cogitatio Press
2021-08-13 09:33:58
application/pdf
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/4243
Politics and Governance; Vol 9, No 3 (2021): Rising to a Challenge? Ten Years of Parliamentary Accountability of the European Semester
eng
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/download/4243/30048
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/download/4243/30049
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/download/4243/30050
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/download/4243/30051
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/download/4243/30052
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/download/4243/30053
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/download/4243/30054
Copyright (c) 2021 Carlos Closa Montero, Felipe González de León, Gisela Hernández González
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/2510
2020-03-05T05:19:04Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
"200213 2020 eng "
2183-2463
dc
Electoral Behaviour in a European Union under Stress
Braun, Daniela
Department of Political Science, LMU Munich, Germany
Tausendpfund, Markus
Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, University of Hagen, Germany
economic voting; electoral behaviour; European crises; European Parliament elections; Eurosceptic parties; multi-level analysis; multi-level system
Is electoral behaviour affected by the current challenges of the EU and, if it is, through which channels and mechanisms? This study offers a cross-national analysis together with a broad understanding of both the crisis phenomenon and electoral behaviour. To investigate this research question appropriately, we first distinguish at the most general level between the two main behavioural alternatives at play when it comes to electoral behaviour, namely abstention and vote choice. Second, and no less important, we differentiate between the mechanisms that mediate the relationship between the ‘EU under stress’ and electoral behaviour, namely egocentric and sociotropic economic voting motivations. Drawing on data from the European Election Study 2014, our article provides important insights into the study of electoral behaviour in an EU under stress. First, we are able to show that the multiple crises that have hit the EU have the potential to determine both turnout and the decision to vote for a Eurosceptic party. Second, different mechanisms are in play for each of the two behavioural alternatives: Turnout is clearly related to egocentric determinants and thus depends on individuals’ personal exposure to the financial crisis. Conversely, the decision to vote for a Eurosceptic party is based on a different mechanism. Voters—without necessarily being personally affected by the crisis—have a higher propensity to vote for a Eurosceptic party if they perceive their country to be threatened by such an EU under stress. These findings add to a better understanding of the EU’s multi-level democracy.
Cogitatio Press
2020-02-13 06:06:43
application/pdf
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/2510
Politics and Governance; Vol 8, No 1 (2020): Political Behavior in the EU Multi-Level System
eng
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/download/2510/14098
Copyright (c) 2020 Daniela Braun, Markus Tausendpfund
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/5790
2023-01-03T10:39:01Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
"221230 2022 eng "
2183-2463
dc
Online Trolls: Unaffectionate Psychopaths or Just Lonely Outcasts and Angry Partisans?
Verbalyte, Monika
Interdisciplinary Center for European Studies, Germany
Keitel, Christoph
Interdisciplinary Center for European Studies, Germany https://www.uni-flensburg.de/zml/wer-wir-sind/personen/christoph-keitel?sword_list%5B0%5D=%2A&no_cache=1
Howard, Krista
Department of Psychology, Texas State University, USA https://www.psych.txstate.edu/faculty/psydirectory/Krista-Howard.html
negative politics; online deviance; political affiliation; powerlessness; social media; trolling; USA
The main objective of the article is to attempt to provide a more sociological explanation of why some people attack and insult others online, i.e., considering not only their personality structure but also social and situational factors. The main theoretical dichotomy we built on is between powerful high‐status and low‐on‐empathy “bullies” trolling others for their own entertainment, and people who are socially isolated, disempowered, or politically involved, therefore feel attacked by others’ beliefs and opinions expressed online, and troll defensively or reactively instead of primarily maliciously. With an MTurk sample of over 1,000 adult respondents from the US, we tested these assumptions. We could confirm that there are two categories and motivations for trolling: for fun and more defensive/reactive. Further, we checked how strongly precarious working conditions, low social status, social isolation, and political as well as religious affiliation of the person increase or decrease the probability of trolling as well as enjoyment levels from this activity. We controlled for personality traits, social media use and patterns, as well as sociodemographic factors. We could confirm that political identities and religiosity increase the likelihood of, but not the enjoyment of trolling; however, socio‐economic factors do not have the same differentiating effect.
Cogitatio Press
2022-12-30 09:28:02
application/pdf
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/5790
Politics and Governance; Vol 10, No 4 (2022): Negative Politics: Leader Personality, Negative Campaigning, and the Oppositional Dynamics of Contemporary Politics
eng
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/download/5790/36233
Copyright (c) 2022 Monika Verbalyte, Christoph Keitel, Krista Howard
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/3921
2021-06-01T08:18:34Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
"210527 2021 eng "
2183-2463
dc
The European Investment Bank’s ‘Quantum Leap’ to Become the World’s First International Climate Bank
Kavvadia, Helen
Institute of Political Science, University of Luxembourg, Luxembourg
climate change; climate finance; European governance; European Green Deal; European Investment Bank; European Union
In November 2019, the European Investment Bank (EIB) announced its ‘metamorphosis’ into a ‘Climate Bank.’ Associated with the EU’s Green Deal, presented a month later, the EIB claimed to be the first international climate bank and a front runner in the EU’s priority climate agenda. The EIB is mandated through the treaties to support EU policymakers. However, with its ‘makeover,’ the EIB also announced the launch of a new climate strategy and energy lending policy, ending fossil fuel financing after 2021. It is thus valuable to examine the question of whether the EIB has developed into a policymaker, and if so, how this can be best understood. In exploring this question, this article follows a principal-agent approach, attempting to discern the rational interests behind organisational rhetoric and posits that the EIB’s claimed transformation hints at a type of policymaking activism, exploiting a policy window to serve the EIB’s rational interests in a strained political and market contest. This represents a paradigm shift in the EIB’s institutional behaviour and rhetoric within the EU governance constellation and is, in fact, in this sense a ‘quantum leap’ as suggested by the EIB. However, it remains to be seen if the bank’s metrics will prove a bold departure from their current activity or simply another adaptation to a policy field of intense interest to the EU, as has occurred on several occasions in the past.
Cogitatio Press
2021-05-27 03:43:28
application/pdf
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/3921
Politics and Governance; Vol 9, No 2 (2021): Reforming the Institutions of Eurozone Governance
eng
Copyright (c) 2021 Helen Kavvadia
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/640
2018-12-12T07:20:30Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
"160908 2016 eng "
2183-2463
dc
The Paris Agreement: Short-Term and Long-Term Effectiveness
Bang, Guri
Center for International Climate and Environmental Research, Norway
Hovi, Jon
Department of Political Science, University of Oslo, Norway
Skodvin, Tora
Department of Political Science, University of Oslo, Norway
climate change mitigation; climate cooperation; effectiveness, international leadership; Paris Agreement; U.S.
The 2015 Paris Agreement was widely greeted with enthusiasm. We assess the short-term and long-term potential effectiveness of Paris. Concerning short-term effectiveness, we contend that while Paris scores high on participation, and reasonably high on the depth of the parties’ commitments (ambition), its Achilles’ heel will likely be compliance. Concerning long-term effectiveness, we argue that Paris does little to restructure states’ incentives so as to avoid free riding. At worst, it might end up as a failure, much like Kyoto did. On the other hand, domestic and international norms could continue to develop in a direction that makes it more and more difficult for individuals, firms, and states alike to ignore the plea to limit and reduce their carbon footprints. Technological progress that gradually reduces abatement costs, combined with leadership by major emitters such as the United States, might further strengthen climate cooperation and enhance other countries’ willingness to follow through. However, deep political polarization continues to represent a significant barrier to U.S. leadership on climate change.
Cogitatio Press
2016-09-08 03:02:22
application/pdf
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/640
Politics and Governance; Vol 4, No 3 (2016): Climate Governance and the Paris Agreement
eng
Copyright (c) 2016 Guri Bang, Jon Hovi, Tora Skodvin
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/5516
2022-11-02T09:12:54Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
"221031 2022 eng "
2183-2463
dc
The Gendered Discourses of Illiberal Demographic Policy in Poland and in Russia
Gaweda, Barbara
Faculty of Social Sciences, Tampere University, Finland
demographic policy; discourse; gender; illiberalism; Poland; Russia
Despite being dissimilar cases, both Poland and Russia exhibit strong anti-liberal and democratic backsliding tendencies. Concomitantly, politicians are spreading a demographic moral panic, employing the argument that both nations are in danger of demise. There is scaremongering concerning below-replacement population growth rates and, in parallel, a tightening grasp on reproductive health rights and a growing fear of non-binary gender identities, people of color, and homosexuality. The political anti-gender mobilization in Poland in the 2010s and the gendered anti-Western and anti-gay conspiracy narratives in Russia are examples of this phenomenon. How are the policy responses to “demographic crises” constructed and gendered in political discourses today? What lies behind it and what is its role in illiberal politics? In this article, I discuss the current demographic discourses in Poland and in Russia. I argue that the politics of rallying against “demographic crises” surfaced on the wave of growing dominance of ultraconservative and nationalist discourses in East-Central Europe in response to perceived socio-economic pressures. I demonstrate how Polish and Russian politicians have been utilizing nativism, familialism, and “tradition” discourses for reasons of political legitimacy and expediency. Looking at political debates and concrete demographic strategies, I trace how the rhetoric of “democratic crises” is deployed to shore up illiberalism in both countries.
Cogitatio Press
2022-10-31 00:00:00
application/pdf
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/5516
Politics and Governance; Vol 10, No 4 (2022): Gender and Illiberalism in Post-Communist Europe
eng
Copyright (c) 2022 Barbara Gaweda
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/2214
2019-10-08T05:09:29Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
"190927 2019 eng "
2183-2463
dc
The Politicisation of the European Central Bank and the Bundestag
Högenauer, Anna-Lena
Institute of Political Science, University of Luxembourg, Luxembourg
banking union; Bundestag; European Central Bank; Eurozone crisis; Germany; national parliaments; plenary debates; politicisation
The European Central Bank (ECB) became one of the key actors during the Eurozone crisis. However, its prominent role was not without controversy. On one hand, the Eurozone was stabilised, no member state defaulted, and no state had to leave the Euro. On the other hand, the ECB had to stretch its mandate, expand its policy remit, and adopt so-called ‘unconventional’ monetary policies. These attempts to depoliticise political challenges through a technocratic approach reduced the opportunities for democratic contestation, but they also bred frustration that led to politicisation. This article studies to what extent this politicisation affected the perception of the ECB in national parliaments. For this purpose, it studies the extent to which ECB policy has become politicised in the German Bundestag through an analysis of plenary debates from 2005 to 2018. The Bundestag represents an unlikely case for politicisation despite wide-spread criticism of the ECB in the media, as Germany was traditionally attached to creating a highly independent ECB, until recently had no major Eurosceptic right-wing parties, and parliamentary scrutiny of the national central bank is low. However, by studying the salience of ECB policies, the polarisation of opinion in the parliament, as well as the range of actors participating in the debates, this article finds that the ECB’s policies have become politicised and the subject of scrutiny and dissatisfaction.
Cogitatio Press
2019-09-27 07:28:24
application/pdf
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/2214
Politics and Governance; Vol 7, No 3 (2019): Out of the Shadows, Into the Limelight: Parliaments and Politicisation
eng
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/download/2214/12575
Copyright (c) 2019 Anna-Lena Högenauer
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/7477
2024-01-31T10:55:27Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
"240131 2024 eng "
2183-2463
dc
NEETs in Norway: A Scoping Review
Øydgard, Guro
Faculty of Social Sciences, Nord University, Norway
Tørrisplass, Ann-Torill
Faculty of Social Sciences, Nord University, Norway
Breimo, Janne Paulsen
Faculty of Social Sciences, Nord University, Norway
labour market; market policies; mental health; NEETs; Norway; social problems; youth
In contrast with the rest of Europe, Norway has one of the lowest proportions of young people who are outside education, employment, or training (NEET), yet many of the youth categorised as NEETs in the country often suffer more severe challenges than their European counterparts. This scoping review analyses state-of-the-art research on NEETs in Norway and has found that such studies can be divided into two separate strands, one focusing on NEETs as a social problem and the other on strategies for the re-education and re-employment of NEETs. Reflecting on this trend, we argue that this segmentation of social problems and individual solutions in research could be symptomatic of an underlying issue that may be mirrored in policymaking and practice.
Cogitatio Press
2024-01-31 09:58:25
application/pdf
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/7477
Politics and Governance; Vol 12 (2024): Active Labour Market Policies and Youth Employment in European Peripheries
eng
Copyright (c) 2024 Guro Øydgard, Ann‐Torill Tørrisplass, Janne Paulsen Breimo
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/3713
2021-02-02T09:18:11Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
"210127 2021 eng "
2183-2463
dc
Is the Grass Greener on the Other Side? Norwegians’ Assessments of Brexit
Fossum, John Erik
ARENA, University of Oslo, Norway
Vigrestad, Joachim
ARENA, University of Oslo, Norway
benchmark theory; Brexit; EEA Agreement; European Union; Norway
To what extent has Brexit affected Norwegians’ perceptions of their current relationship with the EU? What are the considerations that central political and societal actors bring up to explain their stances? What are the broader lessons for the EU’s relations with non-members? We argue that Norway’s EU affiliation is so close that we can draw on Catherine De Vries’ benchmark theory to assess whether Brexit affects Norwegians’ assessments of Norway’s relationship with the EU. We focus on the Norwegian government’s stance. Further, we consider opinion polls to understand the strength of domestic support for the EEA Agreement, and whether that support has changed as a consequence of Brexit. We thereafter look for political entrepreneurs or political change agents, in political parties, in interest groups, and among civil society activists. We find that Brexit has not served as a benchmark. It has not set in motion efforts to change Norway’s EU affiliation. Opponents diverge on alternatives, although share concerns about what they see as the EU’s neoliberal orientation. The analysis shows that we cannot assess Brexit as a benchmark without paying attention to the sheer size and magnitude of the EU–Norway power asymmetry.
Cogitatio Press
2021-01-27 03:29:24
application/pdf
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/3713
Politics and Governance; Vol 9, No 1 (2021): What Brexit Means for Europe: EU Institutions and Actors after the British Referendum
eng
Copyright (c) 2021 John Erik Fossum, Joachim Vigrestad
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/322
2018-12-12T07:20:29Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
"151126 2015 eng "
2183-2463
dc
A Core National Security Interest: Framing Atrocities Prevention
Levinger, Matthew
Elliott School of International Affairs, George Washington University, USA
Barack Obama; communication; genocide prevention; mass atrocities; Libya; Syria; Islamic State; speech; US President
This essay analyzes President Barack Obama’s communication strategies in his speeches and presidential statements concerning threats of mass atrocities in Libya, Syria, and Iraq from 2011 through 2015. It examines how he has used three rhetorical “frames” to explain events in these countries and to advocate specific U.S. policy responses: the “legalistic” (or “liberal internationalist”), the “moralistic,” and the “security” frame. Obama utilized primarily the legalistic frame to justify U.S. military intervention in Libya in 2011, and he relied mainly on the security frame (focusing on terrorist threats against U.S. nationals) to justify the deployment of U.S. military forces against ISIL in Iraq and Syria in 2014−2015. Obama’s rhetorical framing of the violence perpetrated by the Syrian regime of Bashar al-Assad since 2011 has been less consistent. Hardly ever in these speeches did Obama suggest that mass atrocities per se constituted a threat to U.S. national security—despite the declaration in Obama’s 2011 Presidential Study Directive on Mass Atrocities that “preventing mass atrocities and genocide is a core national security interest” of the United States. Utilizing an approach to linguistic analysis developed by Roman Jakobson, the paper shows how Obama has employed rhetorical devices that emphasize the boundaries between the “in-group” of the American national community and the “out-groups” in other countries who are threatened by mass atrocities. Because members of an in-group are typically depicted as warranting greater concern than members of out-groups, Obama’s assignment of victimized communities to out-group status has effectively justified inaction by the U.S. government in the face of genocidal violence.
Cogitatio Press
2015-11-26 00:00:00
application/pdf
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/322
Politics and Governance; Vol 3, No 4 (2015): Mass Atrocity Prevention (Part II)
eng
Copyright (c) 2015 Matthew Levinger
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/7481
2024-01-31T10:55:48Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
"240131 2024 eng "
2183-2463
dc
Active Labour Market Policies for Rural NEETs in Lithuania: A Case of Rural Municipalities
Skučienė, Daiva
Institute of Sociology and Social Work, Vilnius University, Lithuania
Brazienė, Rūta
Institute of Sociology and Social Work, Vilnius University, Lithuania
active labour market policies; Lithuania; public employment services; rural municipalities; rural NEETs
This article aims to analyse active labour market policy efficiency for rural young NEETs integration into the labour market in the socioeconomic context of rural municipalities in Lithuania. For the empirical analysis, the administrative data of the public employment service concerning active labour market policy measures, e.g., training and mobility support, subsidised employment, and support for establishing or adapting workplaces of 2018 and 2022, as well as Lithuanian statistics data of 2018 and 2020 are used. The socio-economic environment of rural municipalities was analysed using the economic indicators (complex index), public transport accessibility, average wage, and free vacancies indicators. The recipient’s integration into employment after six months of participation in active labour market policy measures is analysed. The data revealed poor economic indicators, undeveloped public transport, lower average salaries, and a need for more vacancies in rural municipalities. The integration into employment fell significantly in two rural municipality clusters after the Covid-19 pandemic.
Cogitatio Press
2024-01-31 09:58:25
application/pdf
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/7481
Politics and Governance; Vol 12 (2024): Active Labour Market Policies and Youth Employment in European Peripheries
eng
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/download/7481/47538
Copyright (c) 2024 Daiva Skuciene, Ruta Braziene
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/1874
2019-07-02T04:48:04Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
"190627 2019 eng "
2183-2463
dc
Perceptions of Referendums and Democracy: The Referendum Disappointment Gap
Bowler, Shaun
Department of Political Science, University of California, USA
Donovan, Todd
Department of Political Science, Western Washington University, USA
democracy; direct democracy; inequality; political disaffection; populism; public opinion; referendums
We examine the gap between perceptions of seeing referendums as an important democratic principle, versus perceiving how referendums are used in practice. We term this the “referendum disappointment” gap. We find support for referendums as a democratic principle is strongest among those most disaffected from the political system, and that the disaffected are more likely to perceive they are not given a say via referendums. We also find context-specific effects. Disappointment was greater in countries with higher corruption and income inequality. We also find higher disappointment among right-populist voters, those who distrusted politicians, and among people who viewed themselves at the bottom of society. Overall, these patterns reflect disappointment with democracy among sections of society who have a sense of not being heard that conflicts with how they expect democracy should work in principle.
Cogitatio Press
2019-06-27 04:28:39
application/pdf
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/1874
Politics and Governance; Vol 7, No 2 (2019): The Politics, Promise and Peril of Direct Democracy
eng
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/download/1874/9770
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/download/1874/10976
Copyright (c) 2019 Shaun Bowler, Todd Donovan
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/2995
2020-09-08T05:58:41Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
"200904 2020 eng "
2183-2463
dc
Can EU Civil Society Elites Burst the Brussels Bubble? Civil Society Leaders’ Career Trajectories
Lindellee, Jayeon
School of Social Work, Lund University, Sweden https://orcid.org/0000-0001-5321-6946
Scaramuzzino, Roberto
School of Social Work, Lund University, Sweden
capital; career trajectory; civil society organizations; EU institutions; EU Policies; political elites
The Brussels-based civil society organizations (CSOs) have been conceived by the EU to act as a bridge between the bureaucratic elites and the citizens of Europe. The institutionalized presence of the major EU-based CSOs has, however, called their legitimacy into question, as exemplified by notions such as ‘revolving doors’ implying homogeneous social, educational, and professional backgrounds shared by both EU officials and CSO leaders. This article therefore asks the following questions: To what extent do the leaders of EU-based CSOs merely reproduce the types of capital that mirror those of the political elites in the so-called ‘Brussels bubble’? To what extent do the CSO leaders bring in other sets of capital and forms of recognition that are independent of the Brussels game? How can we explain differences in the salience of EU capital found across policy areas, types of leadership positions, and types of organizations? Empirically, this article qualitatively analyzes the career trajectories of 17 leaders of EU-based peak CSOs that are active in social and environmental policy areas. Despite the highly integrated and institutionalized characteristics shared by all organizations, we find diversity in the composition of the leaders in terms of the extent to which their career trajectories are embedded in the EU arena.
Cogitatio Press
2020-09-04 00:00:00
application/pdf
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/2995
Politics and Governance; Vol 8, No 3 (2020): Civil Society Elites
eng
Copyright (c) 2020 Jayeon Lindellee, Roberto Scaramuzzino
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/6817
2023-11-16T17:37:35Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
"230927 2023 eng "
2183-2463
dc
Temporary Protection in Times of Crisis: The European Union, Canada, and the Invasion of Ukraine
Xhardez, Catherine
Department of Political Science, Université de Montréal, Canada https://orcid.org/0000-0002-3233-8853
Soennecken, Dagmar
School of Public Policy and Administration, York University, Canada https://orcid.org/0000-0003-1634-9920
Canada; European Union; international protection; policy responses; temporary protection; Ukraine
The Russian invasion of Ukraine in February 2022 triggered a major displacement crisis. In an unprecedented move, the European Union activated the 2001 Temporary Protection Directive to give those fleeing the conflict temporary protection, marking the first use of the directive in 20 years. Meanwhile, Canada announced its readiness to accept an unlimited number of Ukrainians and launched the Canada–Ukraine Authorization of Emergency Travel to fast-track their arrival. This article compares the policy responses of the EU and Canada to the crisis in Ukraine, focusing on the two temporary protection schemes and differentiating between their overarching goals, policy instruments, and settings. While the policies may seem similar at first, we show that a closer examination reveals underlying disparities, contradictions, and complexities, particularly when analyzing the precise policy instruments and settings. Considering that contemporary policy trajectories are informed by the past, we suggest that while the two programs build on the respective regions’ historical and political contexts, crises also create opportunities for change, raising questions about the future direction of immigration policy in both regions.
Cogitatio Press
2023-09-27 00:00:00
application/pdf
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/6817
Politics and Governance; Vol 11, No 3 (2023): United in Uniqueness? Lessons From Canadian Politics for European Union Studies
eng
Copyright (c) 2023 Catherine Xhardez, Dagmar Soennecken
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/1214
2018-12-12T07:20:34Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
"180319 2018 eng "
2183-2463
dc
Regimes of the World (RoW): Opening New Avenues for the Comparative Study of Political Regimes
Lührmann, Anna
V-Dem Institute, Department of Political Science, University of Gothenburg, Sweden
Tannenberg, Marcus
V-Dem Institute, Department of Political Science, University of Gothenburg, Sweden
Lindberg, Staffan I.
V-Dem Institute, Department of Political Science, University of Gothenburg, Sweden
autocracy; democracy; democratization; regime; typology
Classifying political regimes has never been more difficult. Most contemporary regimes hold de-jure multiparty elections with universal suffrage. In some countries, elections ensure that political rulers are—at least somewhat—accountable to the electorate whereas in others they are a mere window dressing exercise for authoritarian politics. Hence, regime types need to be distinguished based on the de-facto implementation of democratic institutions and processes. Using V-Dem data, we propose with Regimes of the World (RoW) such an operationalization of four important regime types—closed and electoral autocracies; electoral and liberal democracies—with vast coverage (almost all countries from 1900 to 2016). We also contribute a solution to a fundamental weakness of extant typologies: The unknown extent of misclassification due to uncertainty from measurement error. V-Dem’s measures of uncertainty (Bayesian highest posterior densities) allow us to be the first to provide a regime typology that distinguishes cases classified with a high degree of certainty from those with “upper” and “lower” bounds in each category. Finally, a comparison of disagreements with extant datasets (7%–12% of the country-years), demonstrates that the RoW classification is more conservative, classifying regimes with electoral manipulation and infringements of the political freedoms more frequently as electoral autocracies, suggesting that it better captures the opaqueness of contemporary autocracies.
Cogitatio Press
2018-03-19 04:23:54
application/pdf
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/1214
Politics and Governance; Vol 6, No 1 (2018): Why Choice Matters: Revisiting and Comparing Measures of Democracy
eng
Copyright (c) 2018 Anna Lührmann, Marcus Tannenberg, Staffan I. Lindberg
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/4457
2021-10-28T09:48:02Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
"211022 2021 eng "
2183-2463
dc
Strengthening External Emergency Assistance for Managing Extreme Events, Systemic, and Transboundary Risks in Asia
Prabhakar, Sivapuram Venkata Rama Krishna
Adaptation and Water Group, Institute for Global Environmental Strategies, Japan https://orcid.org/0000-0003-4502-1545
Tamura, Kentaro
Climate and Energy Group, Institute for Global Environmental Strategies, Japan
Okano, Naoyuki
Adaptation and Water Group, Institute for Global Environmental Strategies, Japan
Ikeda, Mariko
Climate and Energy Group, Institute for Global Environmental Strategies, Japan
climate change adaptation; climate security; disaster risk reduction; external emergency assistance; extreme events
External emergency assistance (EEA) provided in the aftermath of a disaster has costs and benefits to the donor and recipient countries. Donors benefit from quick recovery feedback effects from the trade and cultural links, and recipient countries have additional resources to manage the emergency. However, EEA costs could outweigh the benefits. Costs include dependency, low development of risk reduction capacity, and staff burdened with managing the assistance as opposed to managing the recovery. Current efforts to reduce dependency on EEA are not sufficient; they are based on limited past experiences with extreme events and are not based on the understanding of future risks. In this article, we present the concept of a climate fragility risk index showing factors that affect a country’s predisposition to be fragile to climate change threats and we suggest that countries with a high climate fragility risk index tend to depend on EEA. Further, the article presents the concept of critical thresholds for extreme events as a metric to identify possible dependency on EEA. In addition, based on expert and policy consultations organized in the Philippines and Pakistan, we identify measures that can enhance the effectiveness of EEA including targeted EEA provision, better integration of lessons learned from the relief stage into the rest of the DRR operations, proper documentation of past assistance experiences and consideration of these lessons for the improvement of EEA in the future, as well as developing tools such as critical threshold concepts that can better guide the donor and recipient countries on more effective delivery of EEA.
Cogitatio Press
2021-10-22 09:50:32
application/pdf
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/4457
Politics and Governance; Vol 9, No 4 (2021): Climate Change and Security
eng
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/download/4457/31523
Copyright (c) 2021 Sivapuram Venkata Rama Krishna Prabhakar, Kentaro Tamura, Naoyuki Okano and Mariko Ikeda
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/2588
2020-03-31T05:31:44Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
"200331 2020 eng "
2183-2463
dc
Huddle Up! Exploring Domestic Coalition Formation Dynamics in the Differentiated Politicization of TTIP
Gheyle, Niels
Department of Political Science, Ghent University, Belgium https://orcid.org/0000-0003-0327-4931
alliances; coalition formation; contestation; European Union; networks; politicization; trade; Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership
The politicization of the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) has manifested itself to different extents across EU Member States. In some countries, conflicting interpretations about the deal were highly visible in public and political debates, while in others there was hardly any awareness. To further understand this phenomenon, trade scholars have to date not yet deepened nor leveraged the insights of the ‘differentiated politicization’ and social movement literature, which both point to coalition formation as an important trigger of politicization processes. This article contributes to our understanding of variation in politicization across EU Member States, by exploring coalition formation dynamics in differentiated politicization processes, in order to identify the factors facilitating successful domestic coalition formation. Through an exploratory case study design, I focus on three countries that exemplify high, middle, and low politicization cases: Germany, Belgium, and Ireland. By relying on the testimonies of campaigners active during the TTIP episode, I identify three elements that facilitated the formation of a diverse domestic coalition, which subsequently played an important role in pushing for a broad-based debate about the implications of TTIP: (i) an expert ‘mesomobilization’ link with a transnational advocacy network, (ii) the prior availability of domestic alliances, and (iii) an inclusive framing approach in order to establish a diverse coalition. The findings also underline the importance of timing in the unfolding of (successful) politicization processes.
Cogitatio Press
2020-03-31 03:18:07
application/pdf
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/2588
Politics and Governance; Vol 8, No 1 (2020): Politicization of EU Trade Policy across Time and Space
eng
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/download/2588/17693
Copyright (c) 2020 Niels Gheyle
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/6078
2023-06-27T11:21:54Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
"230329 2023 eng "
2183-2463
dc
Populist Backlash and Trade Agreements in North America: The Prospects for Progressive Trade
Finbow, Robert G.
Eric Dennis Memorial Chair of Government and Politics, Dalhousie University, Canada
Canada–US–Mexico Agreement; globalisation; North America; populism; protectionism; trade agreements
Populist rejection of the embedded liberal international order is evident in many Western democracies. This is partly attributable to the architects of this system, who over-promised widespread benefits while ignoring warnings from labour and fair-trade advocates about risks to economic security from transnational economic competition. This article contrasts Canadian and American conservative populist positions on free trade. Globalisation and free trade without consideration for fair trade weakened the embedded liberal compromise and undermined the Keynesian welfare state model which sustained it. While regional free trade agreements like the North American Free Trade Agreement have had marginal negative effects, they became convenient scapegoats in a strategy of “othering” adopted by Trump and other populists. Populism arose in part in response to middle- and working-class decline (alongside cultural changes and revitalised nativism), which eroded support for embedded liberalism. The heretofore pro-trade GOP followed Trump to a more protectionist and bilateral model to press for “America first,” tinged by nativist othering towards Mexico and China. This diverged from Canadian right-populist leaders, whose rhetoric generally supports freer trade despite scepticism among some supporters. Asymmetrical circumstances of the US as a global economic hegemon vs. Canada as trade-dependent middle power limits the feasibility of a protectionist, “Canada first” position while particularities of political and electoral systems create more room for nativism in the US. Polling results indicate support for free trade in both nations, with a priority for labour and social protections, which provides the potential for further engagement in progressive trade liberalisation. Hence a significant percentage of the population supports “fair-trade” approaches, not protectionism. However, many conservative politicians eschew fair-trade positions and endorse anti-labour policies. Despite gains such as the labour provisions in the Canada–US–Mexico Agreement, a right-populist alliance with fair-trade advocates and labour unions is unsustainable and would entail compromises like climate denial, anti-immigrant, and anti-equity approaches which hinder the pursuit of progressive multilateral trading regimes.
Cogitatio Press
2023-03-29 00:00:00
application/pdf
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/6078
Politics and Governance; Vol 11, No 1 (2023): Re-Embedding Trade in the Shadow of Populism
eng
Copyright (c) 2023 Robert G. Finbow
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/2737
2020-03-31T05:31:47Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
"200331 2020 eng "
2183-2463
dc
Slow Rise of Trade Politicisation in the UK and Brexit
García, María
Politics, Languages and International Studies, University of Bath, UK
Brexit; contestation; media; politicisation; trade; Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership
Since the Brexit referendum, the UK government has deployed a vision of ‘Global Britain’ revolving around trade agreements, yet, this was not a key issue in the referendum. Drawing on politicisation literature, we explore the absence of visible activism around future trade policy, in contrast to moderate activity around the EU-US Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP). We identify actors in UK TTIP mobilisation and trace their actions post-referendum, revealing politicisation as campaigners participate in channels for attempting to influence future UK trade policy. In the presence of these channels and lack of full clarity on future policy, to date, recourse to visible mobilisation in the public space has not yet occurred. Tracing this dynamic process, intertwining Brexit and trade policy, enables us to understand how politicisation of one process affects another. Crucially, given the context of re-nationalisation of trade policy, it allows us to explore how politicisation is operationalised in the absence of one of the key conditions for politicisation suggested in the literature: the transfer of authority to a more remote level of governance.
Cogitatio Press
2020-03-31 03:18:07
application/pdf
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/2737
Politics and Governance; Vol 8, No 1 (2020): Politicization of EU Trade Policy across Time and Space
eng
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/download/2737/16380
Copyright (c) 2020 María García
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/886
2018-12-12T07:20:32Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
"170510 2017 eng "
2183-2463
dc
Why the United States Supports International Enforcement for Some Treaties but not for Others
Hovi, Jon
Department of Political Science, University of Oslo, Norway
Skodvin, Tora
Department of Political Science, University of Oslo, Norway
international cooperation; international enforcement; political feasibility; treaties; U.S. foreign policy
Under what conditions should we expect the United States to support international enforcement of treaties? We hypothesize that U.S. support is most likely for treaties where international enforcement will cause considerable (desired) behavioral change by other countries but little (undesired) behavioral change by the United States. Similarly, U.S. support is least likely for treaties where international enforcement will generate the converse effects. In developing this hypothesis, we derive specific conditions under which we should expect U.S. benefits of international enforcement to outweigh U.S. costs (or vice versa). We also provide empirical examples. Finally, we consider three alternative explanations of U.S. views on international enforcement—concern for U.S. sovereignty, desire to prevent infringements on U.S. constitutional protection of individual rights, and the usefulness of international enforcement as a domestic commitment device. We discuss these alternative explanatory factors' relationship to our own hypothesis.
Cogitatio Press
2017-03-22 00:00:00
application/pdf
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/886
Politics and Governance; Vol 5, No 2 (2017): Multidisciplinary Studies in Politics and Governance
eng
Copyright (c) 2017 Jon Hovi, Tora Skodvin
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/4102
2021-08-03T14:09:14Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
"210730 2021 eng "
2183-2463
dc
The European Commission as a Policy Entrepreneur under the European Semester
Zeilinger, Bernhard
University of Applied Sciences BFI Vienna, Austria
economic governance; European Commission; European Semester; policy entrepreneurship; soft law
This article discusses the impact that the reforms of the European Union’s economic governance since 2011 have had on the European Commission’s role as a policy entrepreneur. Particular attention is paid to mechanisms that are applied by the Commission to extend its scope beyond its given formal competences to shape national reform agendas. The research interest is based on the assumption that the Commission is a ‘competence-maximising rational actor’ (Pollack, 1997), whose primary organisational goals are to expand the scope of Community competence and increase the Commission’s own standing within the policy process. Accordingly, this research contributes to the scholarly debate by identifying mechanisms applied by the Commission under the European Semester to shape European and national reform agendas in areas of sovereign policymaking competences of the member states.
Cogitatio Press
2021-07-30 10:16:46
application/pdf
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/4102
Politics and Governance; Vol 9, No 3 (2021): Resilient Institutions: The Impact of Rule Change on Policy Outputs in European Union Decision-Making Processes
eng
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/download/4102/29674
Copyright (c) 2021 Bernhard Zeilinger
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/2229
2020-01-20T08:06:45Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
"191125 2019 eng "
2183-2463
dc
Governing Trade-Offs and Building Coherence in Policy-Making for the 2030 Agenda
Nilsson, Måns
Stockholm Environment Institute, Sweden /
Department of Sustainable Development, Environmental Science and Engineering, KTH Royal Institute of Technology, Sweden
Weitz, Nina
Stockholm Environment Institute, Sweden
2030 agenda; cross-impact analysis; decision-making; environmental policy integration; impact assessment; policy analysis; policy coherence; sustainable development goals
This article introduces a suggested comprehensive framework for identifying, assessing and governing trade-offs and enhancing coherence in public policy decision-making. The framework is based on a simple three-stage model of policy-making: understanding policy interactions (input), integrating policy-making (process), and assessing ex ante policy decisions (output). The first stage is tackled with an interactions assessment framework, identifying how different sectors or ministries relate to each other in terms of their respective objectives, and on what topics negotiations are required to manage trade-offs. The second stage draws on approaches and experiences in environmental policy integration. It focuses on institutional procedures, structures and rules that enable integrated policy-making processes. The third stage draws on the longer-standing policy-analytical field of impact assessment applied to sustainable development. The article discusses the conceptual and theoretical foundations of each stage, as well as practical policy experiences. Discussing this in the context of 2030 Agenda implementation, the article suggests how trade-offs and policy coherence can be better governed using adapted policy-analytic methods and approaches.
Cogitatio Press
2019-11-25 05:47:01
application/pdf
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/2229
Politics and Governance; Vol 7, No 4 (2019): Trade-Offs in the Political Realm: How Important Are Trade-Offs in Politics?
eng
Copyright (c) 2019 Måns Nilsson, Nina Weitz
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/5719
2023-01-02T12:53:18Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
"221230 2022 eng "
2183-2463
dc
The Personality Origins of Positive and Negative Partisanship
Bankert, Alexa
Department of Political Science, University of Georgia, USA
negative partisanship; personality; positive partisanship; psychology; social identity; Sweden; US
Negative partisanship describes the intense disdain for a rival political party. A growing number of political scientists in the US and beyond examine the impact of negative partisanship on citizens’ political behavior, asserting the notion that negative partisanship exerts a strong influence, either on its own or in combination with positive partisanship. Yet we know little about the psychological origins of negative and positive partisanship: Which personality traits are associated with high levels of negative partisanship, and do they differ from the ones that have been linked to positive partisanship? In this article, I address these questions. Utilizing a sample of US adults and a sample of Swedish adults, I examine the influence of prominent personality traits—including Authoritarianism, Social Dominance Orientation, the Need for Closure, and the Big Five—on strong negative and positive partisanship. I demonstrate that the personality origins of positive and negative partisanship differ not just across the two samples but also across partisans on the left and on the right. I conclude the article with implications for research on polarization and a plea for more comparative work on (positive and negative) partisanship.
Cogitatio Press
2022-12-30 09:28:02
application/pdf
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/5719
Politics and Governance; Vol 10, No 4 (2022): Negative Politics: Leader Personality, Negative Campaigning, and the Oppositional Dynamics of Contemporary Politics
eng
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/download/5719/38399
Copyright (c) 2022 Alexa Bankert
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/4019
2021-05-03T06:40:01Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
"210428 2021 eng "
2183-2463
dc
Contrasting Views of Citizens’ Assemblies: Stakeholder Perceptions of Public Deliberation on Climate Change
Sandover, Rebecca
Department of Geography, University of Exeter, UK
Moseley, Alice
Department of Politics, University of Exeter, UK https://orcid.org/0000-0002-7489-5359
Devine-Wright, Patrick
Department of Geography, University of Exeter, UK
citizens’ assemblies; climate assembly; climate change; climate emergency; climate politics; deliberation; democratic innovations
It has been argued that a ‘new climate politics’ has emerged in recent years, in the wake of global climate change protest movements. One part of the new climate politics entails experimentation with citizen-centric input into policy development, via mechanisms of deliberative democracy such as citizens’ assemblies. Yet relatively little is known about the motivations and aspirations of those commissioning climate assemblies or about general public perceptions of these institutions. Addressing these issues is important for increasing understanding of what these deliberative mechanisms represent in the context of climate change, how legitimate, credible and useful they are perceived to be by those involved, and whether they represent a radical way of doing politics differently or a more incremental change. This article addresses these gaps by presenting findings from mixed method research on prior expectations of the Devon Climate Assembly, proposed following the declaration of a climate emergency in 2019. The research compares and contrasts the views of those commissioning and administering the citizens’ assembly, with those of the wider public. Findings indicate widespread support, yet also considerable risk and uncertainty associated with holding the assembly. Enabling input into policy of a broad array of public voices was seen as necessary for effective climate response, yet there was scepticism about the practical challenges involved in ensuring citizen representation, and about whether politicians, and society more generally, would embrace the ‘hard choices’ required. The assembly was diversely represented as a means to unlock structural change, and as an instrumental tool to achieve behaviour change at scale. The Devon Climate Assembly appears to indicate ‘cautious experimentation’ where democratic innovation is widely embraced yet carefully constrained, offering only a modest example of a ‘new climate politics,’ with minimal challenges to the authority of existing institutions.
Cogitatio Press
2021-04-28 03:52:22
application/pdf
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/4019
Politics and Governance; Vol 9, No 2 (2021): Is There a New Climate Politics? Emergency, Engagement and Justice
eng
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/download/4019/27093
Copyright (c) 2021 Rebecca Sandover, Alice Moseley, Patrick Devine-Wright
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/573
2018-12-12T07:20:30Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
"160623 2016 eng "
2183-2463
dc
Political Leadership in Parliament: The Role of Select Committee Chairs in the UK House of Commons
Kelso, Alexandra
Department of Politics and International Relations, University of Southampton, UK
House of Commons select committees; political leadership; select committee chairs; UK Parliament
Concepts of political leadership have been applied sparingly to parliaments, and not at all to the study of House of Commons select committees in the UK Parliament, where analysis has largely focused on their institutional capacity to scrutinise government and hold it to account. Yet examining these committees through a political leadership lens illuminates the complex role of committee chairs, a role which was significantly reshaped in 2010 with a shift to election of chairs by the whole House. This article analyses select committee chairs through the lens of political leadership, and draws on a series of interviews with chairs in order to delineate the nature of the political leadership they perform. It argues that, as chairs are now increasingly important parliamentary and policy actors, our understanding of them is significantly advanced by conceptualising their role as one of parliamentary political leadership, and that this in turn enriches our analytical toolkit when it comes to the study of parliaments.
Cogitatio Press
2016-06-23 11:12:46
application/pdf
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/573
Politics and Governance; Vol 4, No 2 (2016): New Approaches to Political Leadership
eng
Copyright (c) 2016 Alexandra Kelso
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/598
2018-12-12T07:20:31Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
"160811 2016 eng "
2183-2463
dc
The Federal Features of the EU: Lessons from Canada
Verdun, Amy
Department of Political Science, University of Victoria, Canada
Canada; Canada–EU comparison; European Union; federalism; federation; political system
There has been a rise and fall in interest in federalism in the context of European integration. This article assesses the federal nature of the EU. It draws in particular on the work of Michael Burgess who has been one of the key thinkers on this issue. Because there are many types of ‘federalisms’ available across the globe, it is helpful to make a comparison with another political system to offer a base line. In this article I explore to what extent the EU already has federal features. With the help of the work of Burgess I seek to look beyond the specific characteristics of the EU and reflect on how a comparison with this other polity can offer us insights into what is going on within the EU political system. Drawing on the comparison with Canada, I seek to identify the characteristics of the EU that are already those of a federation. Therefore, the guiding question of this article is: compared to Canada, what particular features does the EU have that reminds us of a federation and what features is it still lacking? It finds that the EU has a considerable amount of federal features (federation), but that a federal tradition, a federal ideology and advocacy to a federal goal (federalism) are mostly absent.
Cogitatio Press
2016-08-11 05:26:47
application/pdf
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/598
Politics and Governance; Vol 4, No 3 (2016): Supranational Institutions and Governance in an Era of Uncertain Norms
eng
Copyright (c) 2016 Amy Verdun
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/5479
2022-09-26T11:41:40Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
"220921 2022 eng "
2183-2463
dc
Framing Climate Policy Ambition in the European Parliament
Kinski, Lucy
Salzburg Centre of European Union Studies, University of Salzburg, Austria https://orcid.org/0000-0003-1995-3656
Ripoll Servent, Ariadna
Salzburg Centre of European Union Studies, University of Salzburg, Austria https://orcid.org/0000-0002-1399-6535
climate policy ambition; content analysis; European Parliament; fragmentation; parliamentary debates; policy change
The European Union’s climate policy is considered quite ambitious. This has led to a growing interest among political scientists investigating the European Parliament’s ability to negotiate such ambitious climate legislation. These studies generally focus on the voting behaviour of members of the European Parliament, which allows us to know more about their positions when it comes to accepting or rejecting legislative acts. However, we know surprisingly little about how they debate and justify their positions in Parliament. In these debates, members of the European Parliament not only identify the problem (i.e., climate change and its adverse effects) but also discuss potential solutions (i.e., their willingness or ambition to fight and adapt to climate change). In addition, plenary debates are ideal for making representative claims based on citizens’ interests on climate action. Therefore, this article aims to understand how climate policy ambitions are debated in the European Parliament and whose interests are represented. We propose a new manual coding scheme for climate policy ambitions in parliamentary debate and employ it in climate policy debates in the ninth European Parliament (2019–present). In doing so, this article makes a methodological contribution to operationalising climate policy ambition from a parliamentary representation and legitimation perspective. We find debating patterns that connect quite detailed ambitions with clear representative claims and justifications. There is more agreement on what to do than how to get there, with divides emerging based on party, ideological, and member-state characteristics.
Cogitatio Press
2022-09-21 11:00:55
application/pdf
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/5479
Politics and Governance; Vol 10, No 3 (2022): Exploring Climate Policy Ambition
eng
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/download/5479/38344
Copyright (c) 2022 Lucy Kinski, Ariadna Ripoll Servent
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/2119
2019-10-08T05:09:29Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
"190924 2019 eng "
2183-2463
dc
On Authoritarian Political Representation in Contemporary China
Duan, Demin
School of Government, Peking University, China
authoritarian politics; authority; China; Chinese Communist Party; deliberation; democracy; representation
Both in the Party Charter and in the State Constitution, the Chinese Communist Party claims to represent the Chinese people. Instead of treating this claim as mere rhetoric made by the party for propaganda purposes, this article demonstrates that it indicates a rather significant transition in the party’s understanding of its relationship with the people. Particularly, roughly about two decades into the Open and Reform policy initiated under the leadership of Deng Xiaoping, the party made a strategic choice in imagining itself as the representative of the people instead of the revolutionary vanguard. This change in the language was very remarkable in the post-1949 Chinese history, in the sense that the party no longer considers itself as the facilitator of proletariat revolution, but as the authoritarian representative in the political community. If representation means “re-presentation”, as in bringing something absent present, this appears to be what the party tries to do. By embodying the nation, the party tries to represent both the rich and the poor, acting as the arbiter of forever present discords and conflicts within the society. Clearly, this representation has nothing to do with what people usually call “democratic” representation. But considering that representation and democracy are conceptually rooted in very different sources, exploring “authoritarian representation” in contemporary China would enable us to better understand both China and democratic representation.
Cogitatio Press
2019-09-24 08:44:37
application/pdf
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/2119
Politics and Governance; Vol 7, No 3 (2019): Rethinking Representation: Representative Claims in Global Perspective
eng
Copyright (c) 2019 Demin Duan
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/7355
2024-02-14T10:33:23Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
"240214 2024 eng "
2183-2463
dc
From Counterterrorism to Deterrence: The Evolution of Canada’s and Italy’s Defense Postures
Massie, Justin
Department of Political Science, Université du Québec à Montréal, Canada https://orcid.org/0000-0003-3255-0026
Munier, Marco
Department of Political Science, Université du Québec à Montréal, Canada
Canada; defense posture; deterrence; foreign military deployments; Italy; liberal order; threat perception
How do US democratic allies perceive and adapt to the multiple challenges associated with the rise of multipolarity and the return of major war in Europe? This article examines how two US allies—Canada and Italy—have adapted their defense postures from the professed beginning of the shift in the balance of power in 2008 to Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022. More specifically, it provides a comparison of three major dimensions of defense postures: threat perceptions, patterns of foreign military deployments, and military expenditures. This article argues that both allies have undertaken a shift from liberal interventionism towards a defense posture increasingly geared towards deterrence vis-à-vis Russia. However, the shift did not occur analogously and simultaneously, as the two allies’ adjustment was shaped by differing levels of domestic inter-party contestation. This article highlights the extent to which US allies’ international security adaptation follows political-party threat perceptions more than the traditional left-right dichotomy. Shared inter-party threat perceptions of great power revisionism are found to shape the degree of defense policy adaptation toward great power competition.
Cogitatio Press
2024-02-14 09:25:55
application/pdf
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/7355
Politics and Governance; Vol 12 (2024): From Kabul to Kyiv: The Crisis of Liberal Interventionism and the Return of War
eng
Copyright (c) 2024 Justin Massie, Marco Munier
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/3370
2020-12-22T11:42:29Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
"201217 2020 eng "
2183-2463
dc
Technocratic Populism in Hybrid Regimes: Georgia on My Mind and in My Pocket
Aprasidze, David
School of Arts and Sciences, Ilia State University, Georgia
Siroky, David S.
School of Politics and Global Studies, Arizona State University, USA / Institute of Sociology, Czech Academy of Science, Czech Republic
Georgia; hybrid regimes; Ivanishvili; populism; technocratic populism
Most studies of technocratic populism have focused on democracies under stress (e.g., Italy, Czech Republic). This article builds on and extends these studies by analyzing a hybrid regime—post-Soviet Georgia—and argues that technocratic populism in this context is utilized as a façade to cover authoritarian and oligarchic tendencies, while suspending (or reversing) democratization efforts. The state apparatus is weaponized against current and potential political opponents. Ideology is irrelevant, loyalty is key, and passivity is encouraged. The government aims to chip away at institutional checks and balances, and to demobilize the public by undermining confidence in the country’s representative institutions while increasing dependence on experienced personalities, the ‘can do experts.’ The result is most often a stable partial-reform equilibrium. We illustrate this argument with evidence from Georgia, where Bidzina Ivanishvili, the richest man in the country, came to power in 2012 and, despite not holding any official position in the government since 2013, has run the state as a firm.
Cogitatio Press
2020-12-17 03:56:25
application/pdf
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/3370
Politics and Governance; Vol 8, No 4 (2020): Varieties of Technocratic Populism around the World
eng
Copyright (c) 2020 David Aprasidze, David S. Siroky
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/375
2018-12-12T07:20:29Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
"151027 2015 eng "
2183-2463
dc
Triggers of Mass Atrocities
Straus, Scott
Department of Political Science, University of Wisconsin-Madison, USA
atrocity; mass atrocity; genocide; prevention; triggers
The concept of “triggers” enjoys wide usage in the atrocity prevention policymaking community. However, the concept has received limited academic analysis. This paper reviews the concept critically, develops a definition, and subjects the concept to empirical analysis. The paper offers a mild endorsement of the concept of triggers of atrocity. The paper identifies four main categories of triggering event but cautions that triggers cannot be separated from context or decision-makers.
Cogitatio Press
2015-10-27 00:00:00
application/pdf
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/375
Politics and Governance; Vol 3, No 3 (2015): Mass Atrocity Prevention (Part I)
eng
Copyright (c) 2015 Scott Straus
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/1852
2019-07-02T04:48:07Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
"190605 2019 eng "
2183-2463
dc
Aid Targeting to Fragile and Conflict-Affected States and Implications for Aid Effectiveness
Samy, Yiagadeesen
Norman Paterson School of International Affairs, Carleton University, Canada
Carment, David
Norman Paterson School of International Affairs, Carleton University, Canada
aid effectiveness; aid targeting; conflict-affected states; foreign aid; fragile states
While significant amounts of foreign aid have been allocated to the group of so-called fragile and conflict-affected states in recent years, it is not clear whether that aid is targeted to where it is most needed. This article extends recent work by Carment and Samy (2017, in press), and focuses on aid targeting in fragile states by using the Country Indicators for Foreign Policy fragility index together with sectoral aid flows from the OECD Creditor Reporting System. Specifically, it considers six country-cases from a three-fold typology of states and evaluates the performance of these countries in terms of their fragility relative to the types of aid that they have received. The article argues that aid is poorly targeted in fragile states and by considering the sectoral allocation of aid it also contributes indirectly to the related issue of aid effectiveness.
Cogitatio Press
2019-06-05 05:11:04
application/pdf
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/1852
Politics and Governance; Vol 7, No 2 (2019): Aid Impact and Effectiveness
eng
Copyright (c) 2019 UNU-WIDER
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/4917
2022-05-18T12:52:04Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
"220421 2022 eng "
2183-2463
dc
South–South Cooperation and the Promise of Experimentalist Governance: The ASEAN Smart Cities Network
Mejido Costoya, Manuel
Department of Sociology, Quaid-i-Azam University, Pakistan
Association of Southeast Asian Nations; city-to-city partnerships; experimentalist governance; regional integration; Smart Cities Network; South–South cooperation
This article considers the impact that increasing pragmatism and pluralism are having on South–South cooperation (SSC). Focusing on the growing sway of multilateral platforms for cooperation between cities and the reinvigoration of regionalism, it identifies experimentalist design principles for fostering autonomy-enhancing initiatives between developing countries that have the capacity to learn from and scale up locally-informed, adaptive problem solving. The first part of the article frames SSC in light of experimentalist governance theory. The second part provides a case study of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) Smart Cities Network, an initiative that captures the promise and challenges of enhancing SSC through regional experimentalist governance of city-to-city partnerships.
Cogitatio Press
2022-04-21 10:26:30
application/pdf
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/4917
Politics and Governance; Vol 10, No 2 (2022): Developing Countries and the Crisis of the Multilateral Order
eng
Copyright (c) 2022 Manuel Mejido Costoya
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/3347
2020-11-27T09:58:03Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
"201125 2020 eng "
2183-2463
dc
Alliances of Instrumental Advantage: Supporting Women’s Agency in Civil Society Organisations in Indonesia
Sherlock, Stephen
School of Humanities and Social Sciences, University of New South Wales, Australia
civil society organisations; Indonesia; political change; political economy; women’s empowerment
This article examines how Indonesian civil society organisations (CSOs) working for women’s empowerment and gender equality have worked together with members of parliament (MPs) to support processes of developmental change. Examples are taken from initiatives supported by MAMPU, an Australian government funded project that promotes gender equality and women’s empowerment in Indonesia, describing ways in which gender-focused organisations have engaged with, and had an impact upon, the actions of political leaders in parliament. The article focuses on interaction between institutions and the agency exercised by individuals within institutions. MPs act within a structure of institutional and political incentives, but they also have the power to make choices about how they respond to incentives. Moreover, the leaders of outside actors such as CSOs can modify the structure of incentives by both applying pressure on MPs and providing opportunities for legislators to make different choices. One of MAMPU’s tools for targeting MPs has been political economy analysis. Having correctly understood the pressures and incentives facing MPs, CSOs can target their actions to bring about outcomes favourable to both sides in what the article calls ‘alliances of instrumental advantage.’ Organisations supported by MAMPU achieved success where relationships were forged between the organisations and politicians based on the identification of mutual advantage.
Cogitatio Press
2020-11-25 03:36:02
application/pdf
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/3347
Politics and Governance; Vol 8, No 4 (2020): Leadership and Political Change in Asia-Pacific
eng
Copyright (c) 2020 Stephen Sherlock
oai:ojs.cogitatiopress.com:article/7233
2023-11-16T17:38:03Z
politicsandgovernance:ART
driver
"231027 2023 eng "
2183-2463
dc
No Borrowing Without Taxing? Fiscal Solidarity of Next Generation EU in Light of the American Experience
Woźniakowski, Tomasz P.
Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Wrocław, Poland / Department of Political Science, LUISS University, Italy https://orcid.org/0000-0001-9475-7845
central fiscal capacity; comparative federalism; democratic legitimacy; economic governance; fiscal federalism; fiscal soli‐ darity; fiscal union; fiscalization process; tax power
This article argues that the EU response to the pandemic, the Next Generation EU (NGEU), dubbed a “Hamiltonian moment” for Europe, can be better understood if compared to the US under the Articles of Confederation. The key aspect of the original Hamiltonian moment was the assumption of states’ debts after the Union was given tax power. None of this happened with the NGEU. The EU was not given any significant new sources of revenue, apart from some environmental levies, and was only allowed to borrow more on the financial markets to finance new fiscal solidarity mechanisms. In the US, this kind of borrowing power gave rise to monetary financing of the debt and enormous inflation. Instead of backing the enlarged borrowing powers with a fiscalization process leading to tax powers, the EU created a hybrid system of temporary, limited quasi-fiscalization in the form of the NGEU, which has legitimacy gaps. Simultaneously, the EU introduced enhanced fiscal regulation with conditionalities in the form of the new European Semester (an annual EU cycle of economic and fiscal coordination) tied to the allocation of the NGEU funds. Additionally, the EU has only promised to work in the future on various forms of revenue needed to pay the new debt. Hence, I will show that the NGEU could be better described as a “Morrisian moment” for Europe, as Robert Morris, the superintendent of finance of the US (1781–1784), was the very first finance minister of a similar kind of a union, with the power to borrow but no power to tax, governed by the unanimity rule in fiscal matters, which led to the failure of his proposals for national revenue.
Cogitatio Press
2023-10-27 00:00:00
application/pdf
https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/7233
Politics and Governance; Vol 11, No 4 (2023): Comparative Fiscal Federalism and the Post-Covid EU: Between Debt Rules and Borrowing Power
eng
Copyright (c) 2023 Tomasz P. Wozniakowski
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