Politics and Governance is an innovative new offering to the world of online peer-reviewed open access publishing in the Political Sciences.

Open Access Journal | ISSN: 2183-2463

With our plurithematic issues we intended to draw the attention of researchers, policy-makers, scientists and the general public to some of the topics of highest relevance. Scholars interested in guest editing a thematic issue of Politics and Governance are kindly invited to contact the Editorial Office of the journal ([email protected]).

Published Thematic Issues

Published issues are available here.

Upcoming Issues


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Volume 10, Issue 4

Title:
Negative Politics: Leader Personality, Negative Campaigning, and the Oppositional Dynamics of Contemporary Politics


Editor(s):
Alessandro Nai (University of Amsterdam, the Netherlands), Diego Garzia (University of Lausanne, Switzerland), Loes Aaldering (Free University Amsterdam, the Netherlands), Frederico Ferreira da Silva (University of Lausanne, Switzerland) and Katjana Gattermann (University of Amsterdam, the Netherlands)

Submission of Abstracts: 1-15 January 2022
Submission of Full Papers: 15-30 April 2022
Publication of the Issue: October/December 2022

Information:

Much of contemporary political dynamics have a negative component. Electoral campaigns increasingly promote political attacks against opponents; partisan differences in voters are morphing into affective polarization and profound dislike of the other camp; negative partisanship leads citizens to vote against disliked candidates instead of in favor of liked ones; candidates with dark and uncompromising personality traits are on the rise worldwide; news media are historically dragged towards sensational coverage of political events and the use of a conflict framing, and new online (and social) media follow suit; and waves of mass protests regularly shake the established political order. These developments all share an oppositional component and tend to rely on political narratives framed negatively. Indeed, in the background of many of these developments are the fundamental dynamics of entrenched “negativity biases”—according to which negative considerations have, when compared to equivalent positive considerations, a stronger effect and saliency.

Yet, research on these phenomena has mostly evolved on separate tracks. The thematic issue takes stock of these separate strands of research and brings together empirical work on election campaigning, leader personality, negative voting, and antagonistic political attitudes towards the establishment of an integrated framework on “negative politics.” As such, the thematic issue invites work that tackles one or more of the following issues (e.g.):

  1. How to explain the rise of political leaders with a “darker” personality profile (e.g., low agreeableness, high narcissism, low integrity)?
  2. Are negative personality profiles in political leaders more successful (e.g., electorally) than positive profiles?
  3. What are the effects of elite polarization and the use of negativity, incivility, and populist communication on affective polarization and negative voting?
  4. Who likes negative politics? What are the “dark” individual underpinnings (e.g., in terms of attitudes or personality traits) that moderate the effectiveness of negative communication or drive participation to protest events?
  5. What is the relation between negative campaigning and negative voting and negative partisanship?
  6. How are negative voting and negative partisanship related to mass protests and political representation?
  7. How do patterns of social media consumption, content exposure, and types of interactions relate to the development of negative attitudes towards parties/candidates?

The scope of the thematic issue is empirical in nature, and as such priority will be given to empirical investigations presenting new and compelling observational or experimental evidence—even more so if comparative and cross-sectional in nature. This being said, we also welcome meta-analyses, systematic literature reviews, and critical theoretical contributions.


Instructions for Authors:
Authors interested in submitting a paper for this issue are asked to consult the journal's instructions for authors and submit their abstracts (maximum of 250 words, with a tentative title) through the abstracts system (here). When submitting their abstracts, authors are also asked to confirm that they are aware that Politics and Governance is an open access journal with a publishing fee if the article is accepted for publication after peer-review (corresponding authors affiliated with our institutional members do not incur this fee).


Open Access:
The journal has an article publication fee to cover its costs and guarantee that the article can be accessed free of charge by any reader, anywhere in the world, regardless of affiliation. We defend that authors should not have to personally pay this fee and advise them to check with their institutions if funds are available to cover open access publication fees. Institutions can also join Cogitatio's Membership Program at a very affordable rate and enable all affiliated authors to publish without incurring any fees. Further information about the journal's open access charges and institutional members can be found here.

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Volume 10, Issue 4

Title:
Gender and Illiberalism in Post-Communist Europe


Editor(s):
Matthijs Bogaards (Central European University, Austria) and Andrea Pető (Central European University, Austria)

Submission of Abstracts: 1-15 July 2021
Submission of Full Papers: 1-15 March 2022
Publication of the Issue: October/December 2022

Information:

Illiberalism as a challenge to democracy is well documented. The proliferation of illiberal democracies around the world has been studied since at least the 1990s. Less well known is the relationship between illiberalism and gender. Recent events in such countries as Hungary and Poland show that the attack on liberal democracy is also an attack on gender equality and the LGTBQI community.

This thematic issue seeks to explore the relationship between illiberalism and gender, focusing on a region where gender progress is under threat from de-democratization: post-communist Europe. The contributions to this thematic issue will investigate the gendered working of illiberal institutions as well as the policies, mechanisms, and discourses through which the very notion of gender is constructed as a threat to increasingly populist and nationalist views of the polity, society, family, and individual. The contributions will demonstrate illiberalism’s impact on gendered issues in a broad range of social, economic, and political spheres, including the labour market, culture, academia, the legal system, foreign policy, and security. They will do so from a variety of perspectives and a diversity of academic backgrounds, together building the first systematic examination of the relationship between illiberalism and gender in post-communist Europe.


Instructions for Authors:
Authors interested in submitting a paper for this issue are asked to consult the journal's instructions for authors and submit their abstracts (maximum of 250 words, with a tentative title) through the abstracts system (here). When submitting their abstracts, authors are also asked to confirm that they are aware that Politics and Governance is an open access journal with a publishing fee if the article is accepted for publication after peer-review (corresponding authors affiliated with our institutional members do not incur this fee).


Open Access:
The journal has an article publication fee to cover its costs and guarantee that the article can be accessed free of charge by any reader, anywhere in the world, regardless of affiliation. We defend that authors should not have to personally pay this fee and advise them to check with their institutions if funds are available to cover open access publication fees. Institutions can also join Cogitatio's Membership Program at a very affordable rate and enable all affiliated authors to publish without incurring any fees. Further information about the journal's open access charges and institutional members can be found here.

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Volume 10, Issue 4

Title:
The Role of Religions and Conspiracy Theories in Democratic and Authoritarian Regimes


Editor(s):
Oliver Hidalgo (University of Münster, Germany) and Alexander Yendell (Leipzig University, Germany)

Submission of Abstracts: 1-15 December 2021
Submission of Full Papers: 15-30 April 2022
Publication of the Issue: October/December 2022

Information:

According to a famous thesis by Karl Popper, modern conspiracy theories are primarily the result of secular processes and thus show a couple of structural analogies to religious superstition. In this vein, conspiracy theories can be seen as both surrogate religions dealing with similar challenges as epistemic contingency, ambiguity (in)tolerance, or social insecurity, as well as an antagonism to rather differentiated religious beliefs and attitudes. Moreover, this kind of ambivalence suggests that religious faith and conspiracy theories are not only able to be mutually exclusive but also to reinforce each other, particularly during political, social or healthcare crises, when the trust in representatives and elites is fundamentally shattered.

This raises questions about the meaning of both phenomena in contemporary democratic and authoritarian societies: Do religions and conspiracy theories share an ideological character which might function as a resource for complexity reduction, intellectual orientation and, therefore, moral authority and normative legitimacy in any political system? Or do they tend either to a democratic or authoritarian logic of politics? How do each of them flourish and spread under the conditions of democracy, autocracy or of hybrids combining autocratic features with democratic ones? And what people and actors are supporting religious and conspiracy narratives for which strategic and political purposes? Are there certain democratic and authoritarian regimes based upon religious or conspiracy myths themselves? What is the relationship between certain forms of religiosity and the propensity for conspiracy theories? What is the connection between conspiracy narratives and the rejection of democratic principles such as religious freedom, anti-discrimination and freedom of expression? And finally, how do democratic states deal with the contradiction of guaranteeing freedom of expression on the one hand and setting limits to the threat to democracy posed by conspiracy theories on the other?

This thematic issue of Politics and Governance asks about the role of religions/religious actors and conspiracy theories/theorists in democratic and authoritarian regimes in general. However, a special attention is given to the current Covid-19 pandemic, since the relevant state of emergency obviously endorses the persuasiveness of conspiracy theories and makes the comparison with religions the more necessary. In this respect, the challenges religious prejudices and conspiracy myths actually imply could even shed light on the problem whether democracy or authoritarianism is the best regime in order to fight the Coronavirus successfully.

We welcome articles from interdisciplinary areas, particularly from political science, sociology, social psychology, and history.


Instructions for Authors:
Authors interested in submitting a paper for this issue are asked to consult the journal's instructions for authors and submit their abstracts (maximum of 250 words, with a tentative title) through the abstracts system (here). When submitting their abstracts, authors are also asked to confirm that they are aware that Politics and Governance is an open access journal with a publishing fee if the article is accepted for publication after peer-review (corresponding authors affiliated with our institutional members do not incur this fee).


Open Access:
The journal has an article publication fee to cover its costs and guarantee that the article can be accessed free of charge by any reader, anywhere in the world, regardless of affiliation. We defend that authors should not have to personally pay this fee and advise them to check with their institutions if funds are available to cover open access publication fees. Institutions can also join Cogitatio's Membership Program at a very affordable rate and enable all affiliated authors to publish without incurring any fees. Further information about the journal's open access charges and institutional members can be found here.

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Volume 11, Issue 1

Title:
Democratic Backsliding and Organized Interests in Central and Eastern Europe


Editor(s):
Michael Dobbins (University of Konstanz) and Rafael Labanino (University of Konstanz)

Submission of Abstracts: 1-15 January 2022
Submission of Full Papers: 15-31 May 2022
Publication of the Issue: January-March 2023

Information:

The regression of democratic quality and the emergence of competitive authoritarian regimes have been among the main political phenomena across the globe of the past 20 years (Levitksy & Way, 2002, 2020; Levitksy & Ziblatt, 2018). There is, however, a large variance in the severity of de-democratization between regions and countries as international indices of democratic quality both from watchdogs and academic research centers attest (e.g., Coppedge et al., 2020; Repucci, 2020). As Bermeo (2016) emphasizes, democratic backsliding in the 21st century so far does not necessarily lead to full dictatorships. Most regimes, even the more repressive ones, retain basic institutions of electoral democracies. This is certainly the case in the Central and Eastern European (CEE) member states of the European Union (EU) subject to backsliding. Even Hungary and Poland, the two member states of the EU under the Article 7(1) procedure of the Treaty on the European Union for “the existence of a clear risk of a serious breach of the values on which the Union is founded” are not characterized by such open oppression as Russia or Turkey. The nature of the power grab is more subtle. Scheppele (2018) called the strategy of these governments of constant constitutional and legal tinkering to achieve authoritarian ends—and attacking and capturing institutions supposedly checking the executive—autocratic legalism.

Much scholarly attention has been devoted to the nature and development of democratic backsliding and the hybrid regimes in CEE (e.g. Bánkuti et al., 2012; Buzogany, 2017; Enyedi, 2020; Hanley & Vachudova, 2018; Kelemen, 2017; Magyar, 2016; Sata & Karolewski, 2020; Scheiring, 2020; Scheppele, 2018). However, we do not know much about how backsliding affects organized interests. This is all the more surprising as backsliding clearly affects the deliberative component of democracy crucial for interest articulation, representation and intermediation. As the deliberative component of the democracy index of the Varieties of Democracy Indices (Coppedge et al., 2020) shows, the deliberative component of democracy has declined since EU access – on average by 0.11 points on a scale from 0 (low) to 1 (high) in 11 CEE member states. Only Latvia and Estonia did not experience regression in this regard.

There are a few recent studies that addressed some aspects of the effect of backsliding on civil society in CEE. Greskovits (2020) and Ekiert (2019) explored the grassroot support of illiberal incumbents, the emergence of “illiberal civil society organizations” and networks aligned with authoritarian and nationalist objectives. A recent book published by an independent network of Hungarian academics describes in detail how Viktor Orbán’s governments systematically realigned state funds supporting civil society and cultural institutions towards openly right-wing, nationalist, and loyal religious organizations during the past decade (Hungarian Network of Academics, 2020). Labanino and Dobbins (2020) analyzed how the dismantling of academic freedom affected the strategies of Hungarian higher education organizations in their conflicts with the government over institutional autonomy and higher education finance. Yet, to date there are no theory-driven accounts on how backsliding affects the key themes of interest organization research: the formation and mortality rates of interest groups, their lobby strategies, their access to policy-makers, or their influence on policy processes.

We propose a thematic issue that systematically addresses these themes. We aim to include theory-driven empirical accounts that embed their analysis in the current interest group literature and bring theoretical innovation by carefully operationalizing and measuring the effect of backsliding on various aspects of interest organization research based on rigorous empirical analysis. We invite contributions that analyze backsliding in the context of three broad areas in interest group research: the access, influence, and advocacy strategies of interest groups, with an emphasis on their contacts to political parties; the effects of backsliding on interest group populations, their vital rates, density, and diversity; and the consequences of illiberal, Eurosceptic incumbents on EU-level networking and lobbying of interest groups. We are open to both qualitative and quantitative studies. We would like to encourage the collaboration of Western and CEE scholars tackling the problem of the chronic underrepresentation of scholars from the region in high-quality journals, even in research on their own countries.

References

Bánkuti, M., Halmai, G., & Scheppele, K. L. (2012). Hungary’s Illiberal Turn: Disabling the Constitution. Journal of Democracy, 23(3), 138-146. https://doi.org/doi:10.1353/jod.2012.0054

Bermeo, N. (2016). On Democratic Backsliding. Journal of Democracy, 27(1), 5-19. https://doi.org/https://doi.org/10.1353/jod.2016.0012

Buzogany, A. (2017). Illiberal democracy in Hungary: authoritarian diffusion or domestic causation? [Article]. Democratization, 24(7), 1307-1325. https://doi.org/10.1080/13510347.2017.1328676

Coppedge, M., Gerring, J., Knutsen, C. H., Lindberg, S. I., Teorell, J., Altman, D., Bernhard, M., Fish, M. S., Glynn, A., Hicken, A., Luhrmann, A., Marquardt, K. L., McMann, K., Paxton, P., Pemstein, D., Seim, B., Sigman, R., Skaaning, S.-E., Staton, J., Wilson, S., Cornell, A., Alizada, N., Gastaldi, L., Gjerløw, H., Hindle, G., Ilchenko, N., Maxwell, L., Mechkova, V., Medzihorsky, J., von Römer, J., Sundström, A., Tzelgov, E., Wang, Y.-t., & Ziblatt, D. (2020). V-Dem [Country–Year/Country–Date] Dataset v10. https://doi.org/https://doi.org/10.23696/vdemds20

Ekiert, G. (2019). The Dark Side of Civil Society. In J. Zakowski (Ed.), Concilium Civitas Almanach 2019/2020 (pp. 39-59). Concilium Civitas. http://conciliumcivitas.pl/the-dark-side-of-civil-society/

Enyedi, Z. (2020, 2020/07/02). Right-wing authoritarian innovations in Central and Eastern Europe. East European Politics, 36(3), 363-377. https://doi.org/10.1080/21599165.2020.1787162

Greskovits, B. (2020). Rebuilding the Hungarian right through conquering civil society: the Civic Circles Movement. East European Politics, 1-20. https://doi.org/10.1080/21599165.2020.1718657

Hanley, S., & Vachudova, M. A. (2018, 2018/07/03). Understanding the illiberal turn: democratic backsliding in the Czech Republic. East European Politics, 34(3), 276-296. https://doi.org/10.1080/21599165.2018.1493457

Hungarian Network of Academics. (2020). Hungary Turns Its Back on Europe. Dismantling Culture, Education, Science and the Media in Hungary 2010-2019. Hungarian Network of Academics. http://oktatoihalozat.hu/wp-content/uploads/2020/03/angol.pdf

Kelemen, R. D. (2017). Europe’s Other Democratic Deficit: National Authoritarianism in Europe’s Democratic Union. Government and Opposition, 52(2), 211-238. https://doi.org/10.1017/gov.2016.41

Labanino, R., & Dobbins, M. (2020). ‘The goal is not necessarily to sit at the table’—Resisting autocratic legalism in Hungarian academia. Higher Education Quarterly, n/a(n/a). https://doi.org/https://doi.org/10.1111/hequ.12290

Levitksy, S., & Way, L. A. (2002). Elections Without Democracy: The Rise of Competitive Authoritarianism. Journal of Democracy, 13(2), 51-65. https://doi.org/https://doi.org/10.1353/jod.2002.0026

Levitksy, S., & Way, L. A. (2020). The New Competitive Authoritarianism. Journal of Democracy, 31(1), 51-65. https://doi.org/https://doi.org/10.1353/jod.2020.0004

Levitksy, S., & Ziblatt, D. (2018). How Democracies Die. Crown.

Magyar, B. (2016). Post-Communist Mafia State. The Case of Hungary. Central European University Press.

Repucci, S. (2020). Freedom in the World 2020. A Leaderless Struggle for Democracy (Freedom in the World, Issue. F. House. https://freedomhouse.org/sites/default/files/2020-02/FIW_2020_REPORT_BOOKLET_Final.pdf

Sata, R., & Karolewski, I. P. (2020, 2020/04/02). Caesarean politics in Hungary and Poland. East European Politics, 36(2), 206-225. https://doi.org/10.1080/21599165.2019.1703694

Scheiring, G. (2020). The Retreat of Liberal Democracy: Authoritarian Capitalism and the Accumulative State in Hungary. Springer International Publishing. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-48752-2

Scheppele, K. L. (2018). Autocratic Legalism. The University of Chicago Law Review, 85(2), 545-584. www.jstor.org/stable/26455917


Instructions for Authors:
Authors interested in submitting a paper for this issue are asked to consult the journal's instructions for authors and submit their abstracts (maximum of 250 words, with a tentative title) through the abstracts system (here). When submitting their abstracts, authors are also asked to confirm that they are aware that Politics and Governance is an open access journal with a publishing fee if the article is accepted for publication after peer-review (corresponding authors affiliated with our institutional members do not incur this fee).


Open Access:
The journal has an article publication fee to cover its costs and guarantee that the article can be accessed free of charge by any reader, anywhere in the world, regardless of affiliation. We defend that authors should not have to personally pay this fee and advise them to check with their institutions if funds are available to cover open access publication fees. Institutions can also join Cogitatio's Membership Program at a very affordable rate and enable all affiliated authors to publish without incurring any fees. Further information about the journal's open access charges and institutional members can be found here.

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Volume 11, Issue 1

Title:
Re-Embedding Trade in the Shadow of Populism


Editor(s):
Kevin Kolben (Rutgers Business School, USA) and Michèle Rioux (Université de Québec à Montreal, Canada)

Submission of Abstracts: 1-15 March 2022
Submission of Full Papers: 15-31 July 2022
Publication of the Issue: January/March 2023

Information:
30 years ago, John Ruggie published International Regimes, Transactions, and Change: Embedded Liberalism in the Postwar Economic Order, in which he argued that the postwar economic order was forged with a compromise. That compromise was that a multilateral economic regime of free trade would be established, but one that was tempered and governed by domestic regulation and social purpose. Instead, as Ruggie put it, “[t]he task of postwar institution reconstruction…was to…devise a framework which would safeguard and even aid the quest for domestic stability without, at the same time, triggering the mutually destructive external consequences that had plagued the interwar period.” That is, domestic states were granted latitude to protect domestic stability and develop trade safeguards and exceptions in order to ensure that the multilateral economic order could maintain legitimacy and win public support.

That compromise, however, has come under pressure. Recent research has shown that trade and investment liberalization have led to deeper, and more geographically concentrated, economic and social harm than many had anticipated. The WTO dispute settlement body has been often criticized for interpreting WTO agreements in ways that privilege free trade principles over domestic policy space. Populist politicians have helped mobilize opposition to trade. Consumers increasingly seek assurance that the goods they buy are made in socially acceptable labor conditions, and governments have passed transparency legislation to assist them in doing so. Citizens, long more wary of trade than have been policy makers and academics, have questioned whether their identities as consumers should trump their identities as producers and community members. Finally, crises such as the Covid-19 pandemic have generated new and important questions about the costs of benefits of global supply chains and economic interdependence.

Building on the broad concepts of embedded liberalism, this special issue will examine how the global trade regime can and should be re-embedded in society at a time of great change and upheaval. The editors’ aim is not to center on Ruggie’s seminal paper, per se, but rather to broadly engage with some of the following themes: embedding the global economic order with social purpose in light of populist backlash; (re)building the legitimacy of global economic institutions and arrangements; and reconciling international economic relations in a Post-Trump, but perhaps not Post-Trumpist, world. Among the questions that authors might address are: Can multilateralism be transformed to achieve a new global economic compromise? How can the WTO and its dispute settlement body re-embed its decisions and agreements in domestic or global society? What principles, rules, and mechanisms could be developed to address the new populism? These and other questions can be examined conceptually and/or through case studies.


Instructions for Authors:
Authors interested in submitting a paper for this issue are asked to consult the journal's instructions for authors and submit their abstracts (maximum of 250 words, with a tentative title) through the abstracts system (here). When submitting their abstracts, authors are also asked to confirm that they are aware that Politics and Governance is an open access journal with a publishing fee if the article is accepted for publication after peer-review (corresponding authors affiliated with our institutional members do not incur this fee).


Open Access:
The journal has an article publication fee to cover its costs and guarantee that the article can be accessed free of charge by any reader, anywhere in the world, regardless of affiliation. We defend that authors should not have to personally pay this fee and advise them to check with their institutions if funds are available to cover open access publication fees. Institutions can also join Cogitatio's Membership Program at a very affordable rate and enable all affiliated authors to publish without incurring any fees. Further information about the journal's open access charges and institutional members can be found here.

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Volume 11, Issue 1

Title:
Women Opposition Leaders: Pathways, Patterns, and Performance


Editor(s):
Sarah C. Dingler (University of Innsbruck), Ludger Helms (University of Innsbruck), and Henriette Müller (New York University Abu Dhabi)

Submission of Abstracts: 1-15 March 2022
Submission of Full Papers: 15-31 July 2022
Publication of the Issue: February/March 2023

Information:

Senior offices in the executive branch have been famously described as “arguably the most masculine” positions in different types of political regime (Jalalzai, 2008, p. 209). Prompted by such assessments, recent research on women in politics has strongly focused on women presidents and prime ministers, and female cabinet ministers (see, e.g., Annesley, Beckwith, & Franceschet, 2019; Jalalzai, 2013; Krook & O’Brian, 2012; Martin & Borelli, 2016; Müller-Rommel & Vercesi, 2017). Also, apparently driven by the increasing politicization of this issue, in many countries the share of female government ministers and political chief executives has significantly risen in recent years.

Yet, what about women as leaders of the opposition? There is some isolated work on women opposition leaders (see e.g., Beckwith, 2015; Clemens, 2006), but its scarcity only reminds us of the conspicuous absence of anything coming close to a subfield of research on women and political opposition. Indeed, to some extent, the fact that this occasional work has tended to focus on individual opposition leaders as Margaret Thatcher or Angela Merkel, who eventually became powerful long-term prime ministers or chancellors, underscores the particular spell that executive power has had on the community of gender scholars. Thus, it is about time to launch a novel research agenda on a topic that can reasonably claim to be of major political, social and scholarly importance alike.

Challenges of comparative research in this field start right at the level of conceptualizing ‘opposition leaders.’ Obviously, the home of the term and concept is Westminster with its strictly parliament-centred tradition of politics and governance (and its more particular tradition of an opposition with a capital ‘O’). However, in countries from beyond the family of Westminster democracies, the term of opposition leader cannot reasonably be confined to parliamentary party group leaders; even if the focus is on party-based forms of political opposition, it is to be acknowledged that there tend to be parties not enjoying parliamentary representation in most democratic regimes of the world. Further, in many presidential democracies, and some parliamentary democracies as well, challengers for the presidency or premiership are not necessarily party leaders at all but can have other backgrounds (see Helms, 2020). More important still, in the more recent literature the concept of political opposition is no longer being used for studying democratic regimes only; there can be genuine manifestations of political opposition even in the absence of the principle of legitimate opposition (see e.g., Helms, in press). In fact, some of the most prominent political figures widely referred to as ‘women opposition leaders’ in current media reporting relate to non-parliamentary political actors operating in autocratic regimes, such as Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya, Veronika Tsepkalo and Maria Kolesnikova in Belarus.

This thematic issue advocates a broad conceptualization of opposition leaders, and women opposition leaders for that matter, that is able to capture the many diverse real-world manifestations of this phenomenon in different types of political regime. This obviously does not preclude us from distinguishing more particular types or categories of opposition leaders, as suggested above, which will be sketched out and discussed in the editorial introduction to this thematic issue. We aim for a collection of papers representing various regions of the world that will inspire future comparative and context-sensitive work. Further, we seek to relate empirical research on key issues to important theoretical and methodological debates in the wider fields of Comparative Politics and Gender Studies.

The list below, which does not intend to be exhaustive, highlights some issues that we would like to see covered:

  • Women opposition leaders as parliamentary party leaders (Westminster and beyond)
  • Women opposition leaders as non-incumbent challenger candidates (in presidential democracies and beyond)
  • Women opposition leaders in hybrid and autocratic regimes
  • Gendered career pathways and patterns of oppositions leaders
  • The political and policy performance of women opposition leaders (i.e. electoral performance, intra-party reform etc.)
  • The political personality of women opposition leaders
  • The political rhetoric of women opposition leaders
  • Women parties and political opposition

References

Annesley, C., Beckwith, K., & Franceschet, S. (2019). Cabinets, ministers, and gender. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Beckwith, K. (2015). Before prime minister: Margaret Thatcher, Angela Merkel, and gendered party leadership contests. Politics & Gender, 11(4), 718–745.

Clemens, C. (2006). From the outside in: Angela Merkel as opposition leader, 2000–2005. German Politics & Society, 24(3), 41–81.

Helms, L. (2020). Spitzenkandidaten beyond Westminster: Comparing German and Austrian chancellor candidates. Parliamentary Affairs, 73(4), 808–830.

Helms, L. (Ed.). (in press). Political oppositions beyond liberal democracy: Symposium. European Political Science.

Jalalzai, F. (2008). Women rule: Shattering the executive glass ceiling. Politics and Gender, 4(2), 205–231.

Jalalzai, F. (2013). Shattered, cracked or firmly intact? Women and the executive glass ceiling worldwide. New York, NY: Oxford University Press

Krook, M. L., & O’Brien, D. Z. (2012). ‘All the president’s men?’ The appointment of female cabinet ministers worldwide. Journal of Politics, 74(3), 840–855.

Martin, J. M., & Borelli, M. (Eds.). (2016). The gendered executive. Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press.

Müller-Rommel, F., & Vercesi, M. (2017). Prime ministerial careers in the European Union: Does gender make a difference? European Politics and Society, 18(2), 245–262.


Instructions for Authors:
Authors interested in submitting a paper for this issue are asked to consult the journal's instructions for authors and submit their abstracts (maximum of 250 words, with a tentative title) through the abstracts system (here). When submitting their abstracts, authors are also asked to confirm that they are aware that Politics and Governance is an open access journal with a publishing fee if the article is accepted for publication after peer-review (corresponding authors affiliated with our institutional members do not incur this fee).


Open Access:
The journal has an article publication fee to cover its costs and guarantee that the article can be accessed free of charge by any reader, anywhere in the world, regardless of affiliation. We defend that authors should not have to personally pay this fee and advise them to check with their institutions if funds are available to cover open access publication fees. Institutions can also join Cogitatio's Membership Program at a very affordable rate and enable all affiliated authors to publish without incurring any fees. Further information about the journal's open access charges and institutional members can be found here.

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Volume 11, Issue 2

Title:
Local Self-Governance and Weak Statehood: A Convincing Liaison?


Editor(s):
Antje Daniel (University of Vienna, Austria), Hans-Joachim Lauth (Würzburg University, Germany) and Eberhard Rothfuß (University of Bayreuth, Germany)

Submission of Abstracts: 1-15 June 2022
Submission of Full Papers: 15-30 October 2022
Publication of the Issue: April/June 2023

Information:

This thematic issue addresses the relationship between local self-governance and the state. Self-regulation is not understood as political organisation at the municipal level, but rather as the rules that emerge in the social context. Local self-regulations of individual local groups or communities and their arrangements with other groups at the local level are to be considered. On this basis, the interactions and relations with state authorities will be analysed.

In the various contributions based on a specific social science approach or preferring an interdisciplinary approach, we expect the analysis of different contexts and world regions. However, we assume that despite looking at the different constellations, common patterns emerge. This assumption underlies the thematic issue. Ultimately, an answer to the question of convincing liaison could lie in specifying its conditions.

All contributions should be based upon empirical research. They should explain the kind of methods and theories which are used; the definition of concepts like state, weak statehood, local self-governance, civil society or social capital or other concepts which contribute to an in-depth understanding of self-regulation. We suggest three key questions:

1) Which areas of community life are covered by collective rules that are given or upheld by this community? Which social norms, values or moralities do the regulations contain? What patterns of local self-governance can be identified?

2) What mechanisms of local community building can be observed? How are groups organized, and how does the internal decision-making work? What can we say about the collective identity and the legitimization of the groups?

3) What are the relations to the state? Are they mutually supportive and complementary, or are they in conflict? What form and styles of governance can be identified? How does the relationship between self-regulated groups and the state change the perception of weak statehood?


Instructions for Authors:
Authors interested in submitting a paper for this issue are asked to consult the journal's instructions for authors and submit their abstracts (maximum of 250 words, with a tentative title) through the abstracts system (here). When submitting their abstracts, authors are also asked to confirm that they are aware that Politics and Governance is an open access journal with a publishing fee if the article is accepted for publication after peer-review (corresponding authors affiliated with our institutional members do not incur this fee).


Open Access:
The journal has an article publication fee to cover its costs and guarantee that the article can be accessed free of charge by any reader, anywhere in the world, regardless of affiliation. We defend that authors should not have to personally pay this fee and advise them to check with their institutions if funds are available to cover open access publication fees. Institutions can also join Cogitatio's Membership Program at a very affordable rate and enable all affiliated authors to publish without incurring any fees. Further information about the journal's open access charges and institutional members can be found here.

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Volume 11, Issue 2

Title:
The European Union and International Regime Complexes


Editor(s):
Tom Delreux (University of Louvain, Belgium) and Joseph Earsom (University of Louvain, Belgium)

Submission of Abstracts: 1-15 March 2022
Submission of Full Papers: 15-30 October 2022
Publication of the Issue: April-June 2023

Information:

The international governance of many issue areas no longer takes place in single fora (international organizations, treaty frameworks, ‘clubs’) but rather across a multitude of partly-overlapping fora handling (aspects of) the same issue area. The entirety of these fora is referred to as an international regime complex. Such complexes have become a ubiquitous part of the multilateral landscape and pose significant challenges and opportunities for international actors such as the European Union.

The aim of this thematic issue is to advance our understanding of the European Union as an actor in international regime complexes. While there is a rich literature on the EU’s role in single international fora, our insights as to how the EU acts in the entirety of a given regime complex are still limited. And while the literature on international regime complexes usually takes the regime complex as unit of analysis, it has paid less attention to actor behaviour within the complex.

A wide range of questions is on the table, both regarding the EU’s role in specific regime complexes and regarding international regime complexity more generally: Is the EU an active shaper of regime complexes? To what extent does the EU take into account an entire regime complex in its external action or is the EU focused on single fora? What is the effect of the multitude of international fora dealing with (aspects of) the same issue area on the performance of the EU and the effectiveness of its external action? The thematic issue will bring together scholars of both the EU as an actor in international institutions and international regime complexes in order to offer a better perspective on the EU’s role in international regime complexes in various issue areas (including, but not limited to, environment, energy, development, health, human rights, trade, security).


Instructions for Authors:
Authors interested in submitting a paper for this issue are asked to consult the journal's instructions for authors and submit their abstracts (maximum of 250 words, with a tentative title) through the abstracts system (here). When submitting their abstracts, authors are also asked to confirm that they are aware that Politics and Governance is an open access journal with a publishing fee if the article is accepted for publication after peer-review (corresponding authors affiliated with our institutional members do not incur this fee).


Open Access:
The journal has an article publication fee to cover its costs and guarantee that the article can be accessed free of charge by any reader, anywhere in the world, regardless of affiliation. We defend that authors should not have to personally pay this fee and advise them to check with their institutions if funds are available to cover open access publication fees. Institutions can also join Cogitatio's Membership Program at a very affordable rate and enable all affiliated authors to publish without incurring any fees. Further information about the journal's open access charges and institutional members can be found here.

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Volume 11, Issue 2

Title:
Hate Speech, Demonization, Polarization, and Political Social Responsibility


Editor(s):
Luis M. Romero-Rodríguez (Rey Juan Carlos University), Pedro Cuesta-Valiño (University of Alcala) and Bárbara Castillo-Abdul (Rey Juan Carlos University)

Submission of Abstracts: 1-15 June 2022
Submission of Full Papers: 15-30 October 2022
Publication of the Issue: April-June 2023

Information:

Discursive violence has often played a determining role in the formation of nations and is explained by history in terms of its causal relationships, as a function in instrumental terms, so that the term “violence” is assumed in the collective as a practical tool—even more so with the rise of neo-populisms—used by social actors in opposition to relations of domination.

As one of the tools of societal violence, hate speech refers in general to all forms of discourse that deteriorate the image of a person or a group of individuals because of their inherent or acquired status. This includes explicit hate messages, as well as more subtle narratives by which the image of groups is disparaged to demonize them, exercising social control and creating political polarization, establishing a “symbolic struggle” between the notion of “us” vs. “otherness.”

As the capacity for social and political negotiation between the State and the various sectors of society has diminished, the regimes have paradoxically imposed, on their initiative, measures of coercion, violence, and formal and informal social control to maintain “democratic order” and justify the legitimacy of a government and its institutions. Thus, violence appears in contrast with political organizations of weak institutionalism, in the face of threats of the irruption of recognition of authority and, consequently, delegitimization of orders and disobedience.

In this thematic issue, we seek to explore, from empirical approaches, hate speech, the demonization of otherness, political polarization, and the social responsibility of political institutions, especially in the context of the rise of populism and the effect of social networks. We invite original articles that systematically explore the above questions. We encourage the submission of studies that survey the field, studies employing qualitative and quantitative methodologies, and research that seeks to make a constructive contribution to understanding present challenges and future opportunities.


Instructions for Authors:
Authors interested in submitting a paper for this issue are asked to consult the journal's instructions for authors and submit their abstracts (maximum of 250 words, with a tentative title) through the abstracts system (here). When submitting their abstracts, authors are also asked to confirm that they are aware that Politics and Governance is an open access journal with a publishing fee if the article is accepted for publication after peer-review (corresponding authors affiliated with our institutional members do not incur this fee).


Open Access:
The journal has an article publication fee to cover its costs and guarantee that the article can be accessed free of charge by any reader, anywhere in the world, regardless of affiliation. We defend that authors should not have to personally pay this fee and advise them to check with their institutions if funds are available to cover open access publication fees. Institutions can also join Cogitatio's Membership Program at a very affordable rate and enable all affiliated authors to publish without incurring any fees. Further information about the journal's open access charges and institutional members can be found here.

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Volume 11, Issue 3

Title:
United in Uniqueness? Lessons From Canadian Politics for European Union Studies


Editor(s):
Johannes Müller Gómez (Université de Montréal / Ludwig Maximilian University of Munich), Lori Thorlakson (University of Alberta) and Alexander Hoppe (Utrecht University)

Submission of Abstracts: 1-15 September 2022
Submission of Full Papers: 15-31 January 2023
Publication of the Issue: July-September 2023

Information:

Since the 1990s, the study of the European Union has been increasingly informed by tools and approaches borrowed from comparative political science. This “comparative turn" in EU studies has taken place at conceptual, theoretical, and empirical levels. Both the analysis of the current state of the political system and institutional structures in the EU, as well as debates on historical polity-building processes and possible ways ahead, gain from comparative analyses of the institutional and constitutional setup of the Union and its functioning. Against the background of the current political and policy challenges the EU faces, it is high time to utilize the merit of analytical comparison—and the political system of Canada offers a splendid opportunity to do so.

The aim of this issue is twofold: First, it assembles comparative studies focusing on (parts of) the political systems of the EU and Canada to provide new insights into how the Union works. Second, the contributions of this issue will discuss how comparative analyses can improve our understanding of the EU and what the lessons, merits and limits of the comparative method are in EU studies.

We invite innovative empirical comparative analyses of the EU’s political system. Empirically, these studies can cover a broad array of foci as long as they explicitly compare the EU to Canada. The issue will focus on two general topics:

  1. Constitution and institutions: This section discusses questions related to the constitutional development of the EU and Canada, their polity and institutional architecture and the functioning of democracy in a multi-level system.
  2. Policy fields and decision-making processes: This section analyses how decisions are taken and implemented in different policy areas in the EU and Canada, including policy responses to crises, and how the involved actors and institutions interact.

Covering this broad range of aspects allows us to explore the potential of a comparative turn in EU politics on a conceptual and methodological level while at the same time giving insights into the current state of the art in using comparative approaches to study the EU.


Instructions for Authors:
Authors interested in submitting a paper for this issue are asked to consult the journal's instructions for authors and submit their abstracts (maximum of 250 words, with a tentative title) through the abstracts system (here). When submitting their abstracts, authors are also asked to confirm that they are aware that Politics and Governance is an open access journal with a publishing fee if the article is accepted for publication after peer-review (corresponding authors affiliated with our institutional members do not incur this fee).


Open Access:
The journal has an article publication fee to cover its costs and guarantee that the article can be accessed free of charge by any reader, anywhere in the world, regardless of affiliation. We defend that authors should not have to personally pay this fee and advise them to check with their institutions if funds are available to cover open access publication fees. Institutions can also join Cogitatio's Membership Program at a very affordable rate and enable all affiliated authors to publish without incurring any fees. Further information about the journal's open access charges and institutional members can be found here.

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Volume 11, Issue 3

Title:
Publics in Global Politics


Editor(s):
Janne Mende (Max Planck Institute for Comparative Law and International Law) and Thomas Müller (Bielefeld University)

Submission of Abstracts: 1-15 September 2022
Submission of Full Papers: 15-31 January 2023
Publication of the Issue: July-September 2023

Information:

International studies have come a long way to perceive the global level as composed of more than states and their interactions. There are now vibrant debates about the rise and role of non-state actors in global governance and the emergence of a global civil society. This thematic issue contributes to these debates by analysing the publics that shape global politics.

Rather than debating whether or not there is one global public, as is often done, the thematic issue stresses the plurality of publics and proposes to unpack this plurality by inquiring into the notions of publicness that underpin the various publics. Conceptualising publics as social spaces in which actors compete for attention and support for their political agendas and where they debate inter- and transnational issues, the thematic issue differentiates three notions of publicness: First, just as politics within states, global politics is marked by legitimating references to public interests—understood as general rather than particular interests—which are usually the subject of fierce deliberation and controversy. Second, public is an attribute ascribed to actors and issues, usually through distinctions between public and private actors and issues. These distinctions are likewise subject to contestation. Third, publicness in the sense of transparency is a matter of the availabilityor withholdingof information about the issues that are debated in global politics.

One of the most visible developments that affects how publics shape global politics is the transformation of communication and information technologies. It is profoundly changing how publics are constituted and how they matter. Against the background of this transformation, the contributions in the thematic issue study publics in a range of policy fields, guided by the following questions: What is the role of publics in global politics? How do various actors shape the prevalent understandings of what is—or should be—public? How have the relations between publics and global politics changed?


Instructions for Authors:
Authors interested in submitting a paper for this issue are asked to consult the journal's instructions for authors and submit their abstracts (maximum of 250 words, with a tentative title) through the abstracts system (here). When submitting their abstracts, authors are also asked to confirm that they are aware that Politics and Governance is an open access journal with a publishing fee if the article is accepted for publication after peer-review (corresponding authors affiliated with our institutional members do not incur this fee). An authors' workshop to present and discuss full papers will be convened on 1-2 December 2022.


Open Access:
The journal has an article publication fee to cover its costs and guarantee that the article can be accessed free of charge by any reader, anywhere in the world, regardless of affiliation. We defend that authors should not have to personally pay this fee and advise them to check with their institutions if funds are available to cover open access publication fees. Institutions can also join Cogitatio's Membership Program at a very affordable rate and enable all affiliated authors to publish without incurring any fees. Further information about the journal's open access charges and institutional members can be found here.

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Volume 11, Issue 3

Title:
The Causes and Modes of European Disintegration


Editor(s):
Martijn Huysmans (Utrecht University) and Sven Van Kerckhoven (Vrije Universiteit Brussel)

Submission of Abstracts: 1-15 September 2022
Submission of Full Papers: 15-31 January 2023
Publication of the Issue: July-September 2023

Information:

The proposed thematic issue on The Causes and Modes of European Disintegration seeks to answer two main questions: First, what are the drivers of potential European disintegration across countries? Second, what are the actual and potential modes of European disintegration beyond a full-blown exit from the EU?

The contributions on the causes of EU disintegration aim to go beyond the immediate causes of Brexit. They could for instance address the impact of ignoring referendums on EU Treaty changes, the impact of Covid-19 on political attitudes, and how domestic political reactions mediate the relationship between Euroscepticism and support for disintegration. It is clear that the extensively studied proximate causes of Brexit may be different from more long-term drivers in both the UK as well as other member states. Are other countries likely to want to reverse certain aspects of European integration?

The second question on the modes of disintegration asks a question that has been largely overlooked in the extant literature. The envisioned contributions on the modes of disintegration go beyond the growing literature on Brexit, differentiated integration, and noncompliance. Indeed, they can discuss issues such as exit by non-state actors, (temporary) opt-outs from the Eurozone or Schengen, and proposed changes to Article 50. We seek contributions that study how to exit partially or fully from aspects of European integration.

The thematic issue innovates not only by the questions, but also by deploying a multi-disciplinary social science perspective. Proposed contributions will be sought from quantitative, qualitative, and theoretical scholars from a wide array of disciplines in social sciences covering political science, economics, law, and sociology.

Taken together, the proposed articles will advance scholarly understanding of European (dis)integration, and produce timely and policy-relevant insights that should appeal to Politics and Governance’s traditional readership and beyond.


Instructions for Authors:
Authors interested in submitting a paper for this issue are asked to consult the journal's instructions for authors and submit their abstracts (maximum of 250 words, with a tentative title) through the abstracts system (here). When submitting their abstracts, authors are also asked to confirm that they are aware that Politics and Governance is an open access journal with a publishing fee if the article is accepted for publication after peer-review (corresponding authors affiliated with our institutional members do not incur this fee).


Open Access:
The journal has an article publication fee to cover its costs and guarantee that the article can be accessed free of charge by any reader, anywhere in the world, regardless of affiliation. We defend that authors should not have to personally pay this fee and advise them to check with their institutions if funds are available to cover open access publication fees. Institutions can also join Cogitatio's Membership Program at a very affordable rate and enable all affiliated authors to publish without incurring any fees. Further information about the journal's open access charges and institutional members can be found here.

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Volume 11, Issue 4

Title:
Between a Rock and a Hard Place: Redrawing Economic Borders in the 21st Century


Editor(s):
Christilla Roederer-Rynning (University of Southern Denmark) and Guri Rosén (Oslo Metropolitan University)

Submission of Abstracts: 1-15 October 2022
Submission of Full Papers: 15-30 April 2023
Publication of the Issue: October-December 2023

Information:

Trade and investment policies are usually not high on the political agenda, but both policy areas have become a lot more controversial in recent years. It is argued that one important reason why Trump won the 2016 election was his appeal to groups in the American society who felt they had lost jobs and income due to increased competition from international trade. In Europe, too, a number of major trade agreements have been met with large protests, such as the EU's agreement with Canada, and not least the attempt to reach an agreement with the United States. Simultaneously, we have seen a strengthening of regimes designed to control investments flows.

Recent studies have shown that radical-right parties increasingly take issue-ownership of anti-globalisation and that this might be a breeding ground for protectionism not just in voters but among more mainstream parties as well. At the same time, in the WTO’s annual report, Director-General Roberto Azevêdo maintained: “Historically high levels of trade-restrictive measures are hurting growth, job creation and purchasing power around the world”. There are clear signs that trade and investments policies are increasingly assessed in a geopolitical context, with the rise of the Chinese economy as one important trigger.

These twinned conditions of increasing economic nationalism and an anti-globalization backlash provides the point of departure for this thematic issue. We want to investigate how these forces impact the management of current trade and investment policies, thereby redrawing economic borders. More specifically, this thematic issue aims to address how the management of economic globalisation is being shaped by internal and external pressure. We invite papers that address the following overarching questions:

  • How do domestic and international (geo)political dynamics affect trade and investment policy?
  • How do the responses of economic and political actors potentially shape the redrawing of economic borders and the future management of globalisation?

Instructions for Authors:
Authors interested in submitting a paper for this issue are asked to consult the journal's instructions for authors and submit their abstracts (maximum of 250 words, with a tentative title) through the abstracts system (here). When submitting their abstracts, authors are also asked to confirm that they are aware that Politics and Governance is an open access journal with a publishing fee if the article is accepted for publication after peer-review (corresponding authors affiliated with our institutional members do not incur this fee).


Open Access:
The journal has an article publication fee to cover its costs and guarantee that the article can be accessed free of charge by any reader, anywhere in the world, regardless of affiliation. We defend that authors should not have to personally pay this fee and advise them to check with their institutions if funds are available to cover open access publication fees. Institutions can also join Cogitatio's Membership Program at a very affordable rate and enable all affiliated authors to publish without incurring any fees. Further information about the journal's open access charges and institutional members can be found here.

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Volume 11, Issue 4

Title:
Comparative Fiscal Federalism and the Post-Covid EU: Between Debt Rules and Borrowing Power


Editor(s):
Sergio Fabbrini (LUISS Rome), Tiziano Zgaga (University of Konstanz), and Tomasz P. Woźniakowski (Stanford University / Nicolaus Copernicus University)

Submission of Abstracts: 1-15 January 2023
Submission of Full Papers: 15-30 May 2023
Publication of the Issue: October-December 2023

Information:

This thematic issue focuses on the evolution of EU fiscal governance under the pressure of three major crises. When the euro crisis erupted, the EU reacted by strengthening fiscal regulation. The rules of the Stability and Growth Pact (SGP) became stricter and new measures constraining the spending of member states were adopted. On the contrary, with the output of the Covid-19 pandemic, these rules were temporarily suspended. Due to an unprecedented, if provisional, recovery programme—Next Generation EU (NGEU)—the EU could mobilise large amounts of resources and distribute them to the member states. An enlarged European borrowing power seemed to be the centre stage in the reaction to the pandemic. However, the EU’s fiscal rules have only been suspended, not abolished, and the NGEU is temporary, has no agreed repayment scheme, only half of its size comes in the form of grants, and it entails forms of conditionality which link to the pre-existing fiscal regulation. Most recently, Russia’s invasion of Ukraine may lead to a new NGEU-type fund in response to the economic fallout of the war and possibly also to support common military spending. In this thematic issue, we aim to draw from the history of federations with different forms of fiscal federalism, including federal taxation, fiscal rules, and common debt. What can the EU learn from those federal experiences? Is calling those changes in the EU fiscal regime a "Hamiltonian moment" justified? How can we interpret EU fiscal developments if analyzed in a comparative fiscal federalism perspective? Has less fiscal regulation and more fiscal capacity changed the nature of EU fiscal integration and made the EU more similar to a consolidated federal polity? This thematic issue welcomes empirical and conceptual/theoretical papers with a comparative angle which will try to explore some of these questions.



Instructions for Authors:
Authors interested in submitting a paper for this issue are asked to consult the journal's instructions for authors and submit their abstracts (maximum of 250 words, with a tentative title) through the abstracts system (here). When submitting their abstracts, authors are also asked to confirm that they are aware that Politics and Governance is an open access journal with a publishing fee if the article is accepted for publication after peer-review (corresponding authors affiliated with our institutional members do not incur this fee).


Open Access:
The journal has an article publication fee to cover its costs and guarantee that the article can be accessed free of charge by any reader, anywhere in the world, regardless of affiliation. We defend that authors should not have to personally pay this fee and advise them to check with their institutions if funds are available to cover open access publication fees. Institutions can also join Cogitatio's Membership Program at a very affordable rate and enable all affiliated authors to publish without incurring any fees. Further information about the journal's open access charges and institutional members can be found here.

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Volume 11, Issue 4

Title:
Governing the EU Polycrisis: Institutional Change After the Pandemic and the War in Ukraine


Editor(s):
Edoardo Bressanelli (Sant’Anna School of Advanced Studies) and David Natali (Sant’Anna School of Advanced Studies)

Submission of Abstracts: 1-15 February 2023
Submission of Full Papers: 15-30 June 2023
Publication of the Issue: October-December 2023

Information:

This thematic issue aims to provide a theoretical and empirical assessment of the impact of the “polycrisis” (Zeitlin et al., 2019) on the EU, focusing particularly on the most recent crises that the Union has been confronted with. In so doing, the thematic issue engages and contributes to a rich literature that has both theorized and assessed how the EU coped with the string of crises that have hit it, starting with the economic and financial crisis of the early 2010s.

By keeping its empirical focus on events that occurred from 2020 onwards, and on institutional changes—broadly defined: rules of behaviour, organizations, beliefs, and norms—the thematic issue provides new empirical data to understand the ongoing institutional adaptation/transformation of the EU and the contestation around it. At the same time, building both on theories of institutional change and theories of EU integration, it makes an up-to-date and rigorous assessment of the capacity (or lack thereof) of the EU to manage new challenges.

After the introduction of the editors, the thematic collection will include several substantive articles focusing on the impact of the pandemic, the implications of the war in Ukraine, and the responses to climate change. Together, the articles included in this collection will address questions like: To what extent, and in what ways have crises triggered the Europeanisation of public policy in the member states? How have they changed the powers of the EU institutions and inter-institutional relations? Has the legitimacy of the EU been strengthened or weakened because of such changes? Have institutional changes been (de)politicised by political parties and parliaments?

The thematic issue will deal with topical issues of high relevance both to scholars of comparative and EU politics and policies, and will also be of strong interest to civil servants and policy-makers.


Instructions for Authors:
Authors interested in submitting a paper for this issue are asked to consult the journal's instructions for authors and submit their abstracts (maximum of 250 words, with a tentative title) through the abstracts system (here). When submitting their abstracts, authors are also asked to confirm that they are aware that Politics and Governance is an open access journal with a publishing fee if the article is accepted for publication after peer-review (corresponding authors affiliated with our institutional members do not incur this fee).


Open Access:
The journal has an article publication fee to cover its costs and guarantee that the article can be accessed free of charge by any reader, anywhere in the world, regardless of affiliation. We defend that authors should not have to personally pay this fee and advise them to check with their institutions if funds are available to cover open access publication fees. Institutions can also join Cogitatio's Membership Program at a very affordable rate and enable all affiliated authors to publish without incurring any fees. Further information about the journal's open access charges and institutional members can be found here.

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Volume 12, Issue 1

Title:
From New to Indispensable? How Has the 2004 “Big Bang” Enlargement Reshaped EU’s Power Balance


Editor(s):
Marko Lovec (University of Ljuljana) and Matej Navratil (Slovak Academy of Sciences / Comenius University)

Submission of Abstracts: 1-15 March 2023
Submission of Full Papers: 15-31 July 2023
Publication of the Issue: January/March 2024

Information:

2024 will mark the 20th anniversary of the European Union’s “Big Bang” enlargement. EU’s conditionality not only amplified the ongoing “triple transition” in EU member states but was also instrumental in facilitating countries’ embeddedness into the West. However, assumptions of the EU’s transformative power on new members after accession are rather ambiguous, ensuing both from EU’s inability to enforce the rules once a candidate country becomes a member and from the fact that countries were preparing to join an entirely different Union—one that was, at the time, unmarked by economic and migration crisis, security threats, or centrifugal forces resulting in disintegration. As a response to external and internal shocks, Central and Eastern European (CEE) countries have also participated in redesigning dysfunctional EU policies: This thematic issue challenges us to consider how.

We invite up-to-date research that revolves around the following questions:

  • How have CEE new member states, as passive actors, changed the EU? What were their degree of institutional quality and policy capacity to adapt to the EU? In turn, what was the level of absorptive capacity of EU institutions and their most prominent challenges (e.g., the creation of efficient decision-making mechanisms, democratic backsliding) in incorporating these new member states?
  • How have CEE new member states, as active players, changed the EU? How have they used EU institutions to advance their own interests?
  • Should global crises and EU dysfunctionalities be understood as intervening variables in the positive adaptation of new member states? How is global change a challenge to the EU?
  • To what extent, if any, are new member states responsible for institutional inertia/institutional vibrancy in EU’s approach to endogenous and exogenous shocks (e.g., (de)democratization, resurgence of identity politics, ontological security, security threats, spread of extremism, etc.).

We encourage scholars and researchers to address why and under what circumstances are countries willing to proceed with the integration of “core state powers” and what are the repercussions of these dynamics for EU’s institutional set-up, as characterized by differentiation.


Instructions for Authors:
Authors interested in submitting a paper for this issue are asked to consult the journal's instructions for authors and submit their abstracts (maximum of 250 words, with a tentative title) through the abstracts system (here). When submitting their abstracts, authors are also asked to confirm that they are aware that Politics and Governance is an open access journal with a publishing fee if the article is accepted for publication after peer-review (corresponding authors affiliated with our institutional members do not incur this fee).


Open Access:
The journal has an article publication fee to cover its costs and guarantee that the article can be accessed free of charge by any reader, anywhere in the world, regardless of affiliation. We defend that authors should not have to personally pay this fee and advise them to check with their institutions if funds are available to cover open access publication fees. Institutions can also join Cogitatio's Membership Program at a very affordable rate and enable all affiliated authors to publish without incurring any fees. Further information about the journal's open access charges and institutional members can be found here.

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Volume 12, Issue 1

Title:
Artic Regional Governance: Actors and Transformations


Editor(s):
Anastassia Obydenkova (Uppsala University)

Submission of Abstracts: 1-15 February 2023 (invited authors only)
Submission of Full Papers: 1-15 June 2023
Publication of the Issue: January/March 2024

Information:

Since its emergence at the end of the Cold War, Arctic regional governance has witnessed multiple changes involving various actors—nation-states, indigenous peoples, local and subnational authorities, non-governmental organizations, a plurality of regional and international organizations (IOs), and multilateral development banks. The studies on regional governance brought to our attention the importance of this variety of actors and their implications for development of the field of area-studies (e.g., Haas, 2016; Selin, 2012). The most known examples of these actors are the European Union (e.g., Andonova, 2003; Selin & VanDeveer, 2015), the United Nations (e.g., Conca et al., 2017; Dalmer, 2021), the Arctic Council, the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development, global forums and the World Bank (Buntaine & Parks, 2013; Kuyper & Bäckstrand, 2016; Lavelle, 2021; Obydenkova et al., 2022; Tosun & Mišić, 2021).

However, there are also younger and less known actors, yet significant ones, such as the Eurasian Economic Union, the Eurasian Bank of Development, the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, as well as other multilateral and national banks (see, e.g., Ambrosio et al., 2022; Djalilov & Hartwell, 2022; Gutner, 2002; Hall et al., 2022; Hartwell, 2021). The role of different types of regional IOs, that is, democracy-composed versus autocracy-led ones (Libman & Obydenkova, 2018a, 2018b; Obydenkova & Libman, 2019), became the focal point in some of the most recent studies on regional governance and comparative regionalism. Only recently scholars started paying more attention to the different implications of these under-studied actors for sustainable development and climate governance, for socio-political and economic transformations, as well as for security governance (Ambrosio et al., 2021; Hall et al., 2022; Obydenkova, 2022a, 2022b). Yet, the variety of these actors and their implications has not yet been applied to studies on Arctic regional governance. This thematic issue aims to fill in this gap.

To this day, the Arctic remains a fragile diplomatic zone where some EU member states and the US border Russia whose commitment to sustainable development is highly contested issue in addition to the confrontation triggered by the war in Ukraine in February 2022 (Kochtcheeva, 2021; Hartwell 2022; Obydenkova, 2022c). Moreover, China is becoming an important actor in the Arctic governance and Eurasia through involvement into various regional IOs (see Fravel et al., 2021; Agostinis, & Urdinez 2021; Hall et. al. 2022; Lavelle 2021). The combination of democratic and autocratic actors within Arctic regional governance may have multiple implications for both collaboration and confrontation. The latter is in line with another set of literature on the importance of political regimes and historical legacies in regional governance (see, e.g., Andonova, 2003; Nazarov & Obydenkova, 2022; Bättig & Bernauer, 2009). Thus, the Arctic region is a unique case study: It encompasses all types of regional governance, environmental as well as climate-related, socio-economic, political, and even security governance, as well as a variety of actors.

This special issue aims to advance our understanding of Arctic regional governance through including into our analysis different types of actors, such as regional and non-regional international organizations, indigenous peoples, social and environmental movements and organizations, nation-states and their political regimes. The goal is to shed more ample light on ongoing transformations, challenges, and perils in the Arctic region, and advance our knowledge of this highly fragile part of the world. The findings presented in this collection of articles aspire to be highly useful not only for scholars but also for policy-makers as well.

References

Agostinis, G., & Urdinez, F. (2021). The Nexus between authoritarian and environmental regionalism: An analysis of China’s driving role in the Shanghai cooperation organization. Problems of Post-Communism, 69(4/5). https://doi.org/10.1080/10758216.2021.1974887

Ambrosio, T., Hall, A., & Obydenkova, A. (2022). Sustainable development agendas of regional international organizations: The EBRD and the EDB. Problems of Post-Communism, 69(4/5), 304–316. https://doi.org/10.1080/10758216.2021.1979412

Andonova, L. B. (2003). Transnational politics of the environment: The European Union and environmental policy in Central and Eastern Europe. MIT Press.

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Instructions for Authors:
Authors interested in submitting a paper for this issue are asked to consult the journal's instructions for authors and submit their abstracts (maximum of 250 words, with a tentative title) through the abstracts system (here). When submitting their abstracts, authors are also asked to confirm that they are aware that Politics and Governance is an open access journal with a publishing fee if the article is accepted for publication after peer-review (corresponding authors affiliated with our institutional members do not incur this fee).


Open Access:
The journal has an article publication fee to cover its costs and guarantee that the article can be accessed free of charge by any reader, anywhere in the world, regardless of affiliation. We defend that authors should not have to personally pay this fee and advise them to check with their institutions if funds are available to cover open access publication fees. Institutions can also join Cogitatio's Membership Program at a very affordable rate and enable all affiliated authors to publish without incurring any fees. Further information about the journal's open access charges and institutional members can be found here.

♦♦♦

Volume 12, Issue 1

Title:
From Kabul to Kyiv: The Crisis of Liberal Interventionism and the Return of War


Editor(s):
Cornelia Baciu (University of Copenhagen), Falk Ostermann (Kiel University), and Wolfgang Wagner (Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam)

Submission of Abstracts: Closed
Submission of Full Papers: 15-30 June 2023
Publication of the Issue: January/March 2024

Information:

Within less than a year, two dramatic international events have thrown the liberal international order into a severe crisis. After three decades of using military force for complex peace-, state-, and nation-building missions, the withdrawal from Afghanistan in 2021 is a tipping point of liberal interventionism. Less than a year later, the Russian invasion in Ukraine marks the return of inter-state war and nuclear threats to Europe. These events challenge two core features of the liberal international order: (a) the prohibition on the use of armed force against the territorial integrity of a sovereign state and (b) the collective governance of international security and conflict resolution via the Security Council of the United Nations. Contributions to this thematic issue will examine this dual challenge and its consequences on the two interrelated levels of the international normative order and the level of the states that have thus far maintained the liberal international order.

With a view to the international system, contributions to this thematic issue treat the root causes of the West’s failure in Afghanistan and elsewhere to bring peace, democracy, and human rights. Furthermore, contributions will discuss the consequences of the West’s retreat for peacekeeping and conflict management as viewed from the Global North and from the Global South.

With a view to the liberal democracies that have maintained the liberal international order, our authors examine how the dramatic events in Afghanistan and Ukraine impact national security and defense policy and force posture. While finding a general trend to withdraw from liberal interventions and to re-invest in homeland security, the contributions also point to country-specific path-dependencies and the influence of political culture and institutions. The articles draw on a wide range of methods, including single and comparative case studies, survey experiments, and quantitative analyses.


Instructions for Authors:
Authors interested in submitting a paper for this issue are asked to consult the journal's instructions for authors and submit their abstracts (maximum of 250 words, with a tentative title) through the abstracts system (here). When submitting their abstracts, authors are also asked to confirm that they are aware that Politics and Governance is an open access journal with a publishing fee if the article is accepted for publication after peer-review (corresponding authors affiliated with our institutional members do not incur this fee).


Open Access:
The journal has an article publication fee to cover its costs and guarantee that the article can be accessed free of charge by any reader, anywhere in the world, regardless of affiliation. We defend that authors should not have to personally pay this fee and advise them to check with their institutions if funds are available to cover open access publication fees. Institutions can also join Cogitatio's Membership Program at a very affordable rate and enable all affiliated authors to publish without incurring any fees. Further information about the journal's open access charges and institutional members can be found here.